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The Church History of Eusebius
Chapter XV.--Under Verus, 1 Polycarp with Others suffered Martyrdom at Smyrna.
1. At this time, 2 when the greatest persecutions were exciting Asia, Polycarp ended his life by martyrdom. But I consider it most important that his death, a written account of which is still extant, should be recorded in this history.
2. There is a letter, written in the name of the church over which he himself presided, 3 to the parishes in Pontus, 4 which relates the events that befell him, in the following words:
3. "The church of God which dwelleth in Philomelium, 5 and to all the parishes of the holy catholic Church 6 in every place; mercy and peace and love from God the Father be multiplied. We write 7 unto you, brethren, an account of what happened to those that suffered martyrdom and to the blessed Polycarp, who put an end to the persecution, having, as it were, sealed it by his martyrdom."
4. After these words, before giving the account of Polycarp, they record the events which befell the rest of the martyrs, and describe the great firmness which they exhibited in the midst of their pains. For they say that the bystanders were struck with amazement when they saw them lacerated with scourges even to the innermost veins and arteries, so that the hidden inward parts of the body, both their bowels and their members, were exposed to view; and then laid upon sea-shells and certain pointed spits, and subjected to every species of punishment and of torture, and finally thrown as food to wild beasts.
5. And they record that the most noble Germanicus 8 especially distinguished himself, overcoming by the grace of God the fear of bodily death implanted by nature. When indeed the proconsul 9 wished to persuade him, and urged his youth, and besought him, as he was very young and vigorous, to take compassion on himself, he did not hesitate, but eagerly lured the beast toward himself, all but compelling and irritating him, in order that he might the sooner be freed from their unrighteous and lawless life.
6. After his glorious death the whole multitude, marveling at the bravery of the God-beloved martyr and at the fortitude of the whole race of Christians, began to cry out suddenly, "Away with the atheists; 10 let Polycarp be sought."
7. And when a very great tumult arose in consequence of the cries, a certain Phrygian, Quintus 11 by name, who was newly come from Phrygia, seeing the beasts and the additional tortures, was smitten with cowardice and gave up the attainment of salvation.
8. But the above-mentioned epistle shows that he, too hastily and without proper discretion, had rushed forward with others to the tribunal, but when seized had furnished a clear proof to all, that it is not right for such persons rashly and recklessly to expose themselves to danger. Thus did matters turn out in connection with them.
9. But the most admirable Polycarp, when he first heard of these things, continued undisturbed, preserved a quiet and unshaken mind, and determined to remain in the city. But being persuaded by his friends who entreated and exhorted him to retire secretly, he went out to a farm not far distant from the city and abode there with a few companions, night and day doing nothing but wrestle with the Lord in prayer, beseeching and imploring, and asking peace for the churches throughout the whole world. For this was always his custom.
10. And three days before his arrest, while he was praying, he saw in a vision at night the pillow under his head suddenly seized by fire and consumed; and upon this awakening he immediately interpreted the vision to those that were present, almost foretelling that which was about to happen, and declaring plainly to those that were with him that it would be necessary for him for Christ's sake to die by fire.
11. Then, as those who were seeking him pushed the search with vigor, they say that he was again constrained by the solicitude and love of the brethren to go to another farm. Thither his pursuers came after no long time, and seized two of the servants there, and tortured one of them for the purpose of learning from him Polycarp's hiding-place.
12. And coming late in the evening, they found him lying in an upper room, whence he might have gone to another house, but he would not, saying, "The will of God be done."
13. And when he learned that they were present, as the account says, he went down and spoke to them with a very cheerful and gentle countenance, so that those who did not already know the man thought that they beheld a miracle when they observed his advanced age and the gravity and firmness of his bearing, and they marveled that so much effort should be made to capture a man like him.
14. But he did not hesitate, but immediately gave orders that a table should be spread for them. Then he invited them to partake of a bounteous meal, and asked of them one hour that he might pray undisturbed. And when they had given permission, he stood up and prayed, being full of the grace of the Lord, so that those who were present and heard him praying were amazed, and many of them now repented that such a venerable and godly old man was about to be put to death.
15. In addition to these things the narrative concerning him contains the following account: "But when at length he had brought his prayer to an end, after remembering all that had ever come into contact with him, small and great, famous and obscure, and the whole catholic Church throughout the world, the hour of departure being come, they put him upon an ass and brought him to the city, it being a great Sabbath. 12 And he was met by Herod, 13 the captain of police, 14 and by his father Nicetes, who took him into their carriage, and sitting beside him endeavored to persuade him, saying, For what harm is there in saying, Lord Caesar, and sacrificing and saving your life?' He at first did not answer; but when they persisted, he said, I am not going to do what you advise me.'
16. And when they failed to persuade him, they uttered dreadful words, and thrust him down with violence, so that as he descended from the carriage he lacerated his shin. But without turning round, he went on his way promptly and rapidly, as if nothing had happened to him, and was taken to the stadium.
17. But there was such a tumult in the stadium that not many heard a voice from heaven, which came to Polycarp as he was entering the place: Be strong, Polycarp, and play the man.' 15 And no one saw the speaker, but many of our people heard the voice.
18. And when he was led forward, there was a great tumult, as they heard that Polycarp was taken. Finally, when he came up, the proconsul asked if he were Polycarp. And when he confessed that he was, he endeavored to persuade him to deny, saying, Have regard for thine age,' and other like things, which it is their custom to say: Swear by the genius of Caesar; 16 repent and say, Away with the Atheists.'
19. But Polycarp, looking with dignified countenance upon the whole crowd that was gathered in the stadium, waved his hand to them, and groaned, and raising his eyes toward heaven, said, Away with the Atheists.'
20. But when the magistrate pressed him, and said, Swear, and I will release thee; revile Christ,' Polycarp said, Fourscore and six years 17 have I been serving him, and he hath done me no wrong; how then can I blaspheme my king who saved me?'
21. "But when he again persisted, and said, Swear by the genius of Caesar,' Polycarp replied, If thou vainly supposest that I will swear by the genius of Caesar, as thou sayest, feigning to be ignorant who I am, hear plainly: I am a Christian. But if thou desirest to learn the doctrine of Christianity, assign a day and hear.'
22. The proconsul said, Persuade the people.' But Polycarp said, As for thee, I thought thee worthy of an explanation; for we have been taught to render to princes and authorities ordained by God the honor that is due, 18 so long as it does not injure us; 19 but as for these, I do not esteem them the proper persons to whom to make my defense.' 20
23. But the proconsul said, I have wild beasts; I will throw thee to them unless thou repent.' But he said, Call them; for repentance from better to worse is a change we cannot make. But it is a noble thing to turn from wickedness to righteousness.'
24. But he again said to him, If thou despisest the wild beasts, I will cause thee to be consumed by fire, unless thou repent.' But Polycarp said, Thou threatenest a fire which burneth for an hour, and after a little is quenched; for thou knowest not the fire of the future judgment and of the eternal punishment which is reserved for the impious. But why dost thou delay? Do what thou wilt.'
25. Saying these and other words besides, he was filled with courage and joy, and his face was suffused with grace, so that not only was he not terrified and dismayed by the words that were spoken to him, but, on the contrary, the proconsul was amazed, and sent his herald to proclaim three times in the midst of the stadium: Polycarp hath confessed that he is a Christian.'
26. And when this was proclaimed by the herald, the whole multitude, both of Gentiles and of Jews, 21 who dwelt in Smyrna, cried out with ungovernable wrath and with a great shout, This is the teacher of Asia, the father of the Christians, the overthrower of our gods, who teacheth many not to sacrifice nor to worship.'
27. When they had said this, they cried out and asked the Asiarch Philip 22 to let a lion loose upon Polycarp. But he said that it was not lawful for him, since he had closed the games. Then they thought fit to cry out with one accord that Polycarp should be burned alive.
28. For it was necessary that the vision should be fulfilled which had been shown him concerning his pillow, when he saw it burning while he was praying, and turned and said prophetically to the faithful that were with him, I must needs be burned alive.'
29. These things were done with great speed,--more quickly than they were said,--the crowds immediately collecting from the workshops and baths timber and fagots, the Jews being especially zealous in the work, as is their wont.
30. But when the pile was ready, taking off all his upper garments, and loosing his girdle, he attempted also to remove his shoes, although he had never before done this, because of the effort which each of the faithful always made to touch his skin first; for he had been treated with all honor on account of his virtuous life even before his gray hairs came.
31. Forthwith then the materials prepared for the pile were placed about him; and as they were also about to nail him to the stake, 23 he said, Leave me thus; for he who hath given me strength to endure the fire, will also grant me strength to remain in the fire unmoved without being secured by you with nails.' So they did not nail him, but bound him.
32. And he, with his hands behind him, and bound like a noble ram taken from a great flock, an acceptable burnt-offering unto God omnipotent, said,
33. Father of thy beloved and blessed Son 24 Jesus Christ, through whom we have received the knowledge of thee, the God of angels and of powers and of the whole creation and of the entire race of the righteous who live in thy presence, I bless thee that thou hast deemed me worthy of this day and hour, that I might receive a portion in the number of the martyrs, in the cup of Christ, unto resurrection of eternal life, 25 both of soul and of body, in the immortality of the Holy Spirit.
34. Among these may I be received before thee this day, in a rich and acceptable sacrifice, as thou, the faithful and true God, hast beforehand prepared and revealed, and hast fulfilled.
35. Wherefore I praise thee also for everything; I bless thee, I glorify thee, through the eternal high priest, Jesus Christ, thy beloved Son, through whom, with him, in the Holy Spirit, be glory unto thee, both now and for the ages to come, Amen.'
36. When he had offered up his Amen and had finished his prayer, the firemen lighted the fire and as a great flame blazed out, we, to whom it was given to see, saw a wonder, and we were preserved that we might relate what happened to the others.
37. For the fire presented the appearance of a vault, like the sail of a vessel filled by the wind, and made a wall about the body of the martyr, 26 and it was in the midst not like flesh burning, but like gold and silver refined in a furnace. For we perceived such a fragrant odor, as of the fumes of frankincense or of some other precious spices.
38. So at length the lawless men, when they saw that the body could not be consumed by the fire, commanded an executioner 27 to approach and pierce him with the sword.
39. And when he had done this there came forth a quantity of blood 28 so that it extinguished the fire; and the whole crowd marveled that there should be such a difference between the unbelievers and the elect, of whom this man also was one, the most wonderful teacher in our times, apostolic and prophetic, who was bishop of the catholic Church 29 in Smyrna. For every word which came from his mouth was accomplished and will be accomplished.
40. But the jealous and envious Evil One, the adversary of the race of the righteous, when he saw the greatness of his martyrdom, and his blameless life from the beginning, and when he saw him crowned with the crown of immortality and bearing off an incontestable prize, took care that not even his body should be taken away by us, although many desired to do it and to have communion with his holy flesh.
41. Accordingly certain ones secretly suggested to Nicetes, the father of Herod and brother of Alce, 30 that he should plead with the magistrate not to give up his body, lest,' it was said, they should abandon the crucified One and begin to worship this man.' 31 They said these things at the suggestion and impulse of the Jews, who also watched as we were about to take it from the fire, not knowing that we shall never be able either to forsake Christ, who suffered for the salvation of the whole world of those that are saved, or to worship any other.
42. For we worship him who is the Son of God, but the martyrs, as disciples and imitators of the Lord, we love as they deserve on account of their matchless affection for their own king and teacher. May we also be made partakers and fellow-disciples with them.
43. The centurion, therefore, when he saw the contentiousness exhibited by the Jews, placed him in the midst and burned him, as was their custom. And so we afterwards gathered up his bones, which were more valuable than precious stones and more to be esteemed than gold, and laid them in a suitable place.
44. There the Lord will permit us to come together as we are able, in gladness and joy to celebrate the birthday of his martyrdom, 32 for the commemoration of those who have already fought and for the training and preparation of those who shall hereafter do the same.
45. Such are the events that befell the blessed Polycarp, who suffered martyrdom in Smyrna with the eleven 33 from Philadelphia. This one man is remembered more than the others by all, so that even by the heathen he is talked about in every place."
46. Of such an end was the admirable and apostolic Polycarp deemed worthy, as recorded by the brethren of the church of Smyrna in their epistle which we have mentioned. In the same volume 34 concerning him are subjoined also other martyrdoms which took place in the same city, Smyrna, about the same period of time with Polycarp's martyrdom. Among them also Metrodorus, who appears to have been a proselyte of the Marcionitic sect, suffered death by fire.
47. A celebrated martyr of those times was a certain man named Pionius. Those who desire to know his several confessions, and the boldness of his speech, and his apologies in behalf of the faith before the people and the rulers, and his instructive addresses and, moreover, his greetings to those who had yielded to temptation in the persecution, and the words of encouragement which he addressed to the brethren who came to visit him in prison, and the tortures which he endured in addition, and besides these the sufferings and the nailings, and his firmness on the pile, and his death after all the extraordinary trials, 35 --those we refer to that epistle which has been given in the Martyrdoms of the Ancients, 36 collected by us, and which contains a very full account of him.
48. And there are also records extant of others that suffered martyrdom in Pergamus, a city of Asia,--of Carpus and Papylus, and a woman named Agathonice, who, after many and illustrious testimonies, gloriously ended their lives. 37
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Marcus Aurelius Verus. See below, p. 390, note. ↩
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Polycarp's martyrdom occurred in Smyrna, not during the reign of Marcus Aurelius, as Eusebius says, but during the reign of Antoninus Pius, between 154 and 156 (probably in 155). This has been proved by Waddington in his Memoire sur la Chronologie de la vie du rheteur Ælius Aristide (in Mem. de l'acad. des inscript. et belles lettres, Tom. XXVI., part II., 1867, p. 232 sq.' see, also, his Fastes des provinces Asiatiques, 1872, p. 219 sq.), and the date is now almost universally accepted (for example, by Renan, Ewald, Hilgenfeld, Lightfoot, Harnack, &c.). But the Chron. of Eusebius seems to put the martyrdom in the seventh year of Marcus Aurelius (166-167 a.d.), and this is the date given by Jerome and others, who based their chronology upon Eusebius, and was commonly accepted until Waddington proved it false. Lightfoot, however, shows that Eusebius did not mean to assign Polycarp's death to the seventh year of Marcus Aurelius, but that he meant only to place it in the reign of that emperor, and did not pretend to fix the year. How he made the mistake of assigning it to the wrong emperor we do not know, but knowing Eusebius' common confusion of the various emperors that bore the name of Antonine, we are not surprised at his error at this point. For the best and most recent discussion of this whole subject, see Lightfoot's Ignatius, I. p. 629 sq. Since Waddington published his researches, Wieseler (in his Christenverfolgungen, 1878, p. 34-87) and Keim (Aus dem Urchristenthum, 1878, p. 92-133) have ventured to dispute his conclusions and to advocate the old date (167), but their arguments are worthless, and have been completely refuted by Lightfoot (ibid. p. 655 sq.). ↩
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I.e. the church of Smyrna. This letter (the greater part of which Eusebius gives in this chapter) is still extant in four Greek mss., and also in a poor Latin version which is preserved in numerous mss. The letter has been published a number of times, most recently by Zahn (in Gebhardt, Harnack, and Zahn's Patrum Ap. opera, II. p. 132. sq.), and by Lightfoot (in his Apostolic Fathers, Part II.; St. Ignatius and St. Polycarp, p. 947 sq). Lightfoot gives the Greek text with full notes and an English translation, and to his edition the reader is referred for fuller particulars on the whole subject. ↩
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Pontus was the northeast province of Asia Minor, bordering on the Black Sea. What led Eusebius to suppose that this epistle was addressed to the church in Pontus, we do not know. The letter is addressed to the church in Philomalium, and that city was not Pontus (according to Lightfoot, ibid. II. p. 948). Valesius suggests that we should read p?nta topon instead of Ponton, but the latter reading is confirmed both by Rufinus and by the Syriac as well as by all the Greek mss. I am inclined to think that Eusebius may have read hastily and erroneously in the heading of the letter Ponton instead of p?nta topon, and, not knowing that Philomelium was not in Pontus, never thought that his reading was incorrect. Such careless mistakes are by no means uncommon, even in these days, and, having once written Pontus, it is easy enough to suppose that nothing would occur to call his attention to his mistake, and of course no copyist would think of making a correction. ↩
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Philomelium, according to Lightfoot (ibid. p. 947), was an important city in Phrygia Paroreios, not far from Pisidian Antioch. ↩
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tes hagias katholikes ekklesias. The phrase "Catholic Church" occurs first in Ignatius' Ep. ad Smyr., chap. 8, and there the word "catholic" evidently has the common and early meaning, "universal" (see Lightfoot's Ignatius, I. p. 398 sqq.). In later usage (so in Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, and the Muratorian Fragment) it has the meaning "orthodox," as opposed to heretical and schismatical bodies. In the present epistle it occurs four times (§§3, 15, 39, below, and in a passage not quoted in this chapter), and at least the first three times with the later meaning, and consequently, in all probability, it has the same meaning the fourth time also. (Lightfoot, it is true, contends that it has the earlier meaning, "universal," in the first, second and fourth cases; but in at least the first two that sense of the word produces most decided tautology, and is therefore to be rejected.) The occurrence of the word in the later sense has caused some critics to deny the genuineness of the epistle; but its genuineness is too well established to admit of doubt, and it must be granted that it is by no means impossible that a word which was used at the end of the second century (in Alexandra, in Rome, and in Carthage) with a certain meaning may have been employed in the same sense a generation earlier. On the other hand it is possible, as suggested by some, that the word "Catholic" itself is an interpolation; for it is just such a word that would most easily slip into a document, through the inadvertency of copyists, at a later time, when the phrase "Catholic Church" had become current. Lightfoot (ibid. p. 605 sq.) maintains the genuineness of the word (taking it in its earlier sense) in all but the third instance, where he substitutes hagias upon what seem to me insufficient grounds. ↩
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egr?psamen, the epistolary aorist, referring, not to another epistle, but to the one which follows, the writer putting himself in thought in the position of those who are reading the letter. See Lightfoot's note on Gal. vi. 11, in his Commentary on that epistle. ↩
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Of Germanicus we know only what is told us in this epistle ↩
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This proconsul was Statius Quadratus, as we are told in the latter part of this epistle, in a passage which Eusebius does not quote. Upon his dates, see the discussions of the date of Polycarp's martyrdom mentioned in note 2, above. ↩
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Compare Justin Martyr's Apol. I. 6; Tertullian's Apol. 10, &c.; and see chap. 7, note 20, above. ↩
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Of Quintus we know only what is told us in this epistle. It is significant that he was a Phrygian, for the Phrygians were proverbially excitable and fanatical, and it was among them that Montanism took its rise. The conduct of Polycarp, who avoided death as long as he could without dishonor, was in great contrast to this; and it is noticeable that the Smyrnaeans condemn Quintus' hasty and ill-considered action, and that Eusebius echoes their judgment (see above, p. 8). ↩
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Sabb?tou meg?lou. "The great Sabbath" in the Christian Church, at least from the time of Chrysostom on, was the Saturday between Good-Friday and Easter. But so far as we know, there are no examples of that use of the phrase earlier than Chrysostom's time. Lightfoot points out that, in the present instance, it is not "The great Sabbath" (to mega S?bbaton), but only "A great Sabbath"; and therefore, in the present instance, any great Sabbath might be meant,--that is, any Sabbath which coincided with a festival or other marked day in the Jewish calendar. Lightfoot gives strong reasons for assuming that the traditional day of Polycarp's death (Feb. 23) is correct, and that the Sabbath referred to here was a great Sabbath because it coincided with the Feast of Purim (see Lightfoot, ibid. I. p. 660 sqq. and 690 sqq.). ↩
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Of Herod and Nicetes we know only what is told us in this epistle. The latter was not an uncommon name in Smyrna, as we learn from inscriptions (see Lightfoot, ibid. II. p. 958). ↩
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eirenarchos (see Lightfoot, ibid. p. 955). ↩
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Compare Joshua i. 6, 7, 9, and Deut. i. 7, 23. ↩
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ten Kaisaros tuchen. This oath was invented under Julius Caesar, and continued under his successors. The oath was repudiated by the Christians, who regarded the "genius" of the emperor as a false God, and therefore the taking of the oath a species of idolatry. It was consequently employed very commonly by the magistrates as a test in times of persecution (cf. Tertullian, Apol. 32; Origen, Contra Cels. VIII. 65, and many other passages). ↩
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See above, chap. 14, note 5. Whether the eighty-six years are to be reckoned from Polycarp's birth, or from the time of his conversion or baptism, we cannot tell. At the same time, inasmuch as he speaks of serving Christ, for eighty-six years, not God, I am inclined to think that he is reckoning from the time of his conversion or baptism, which may well be if we suppose him to have been baptized in early boyhood. ↩
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See Rom. xiii. 1 sq., 1 Pet. ii. 13 sq. ↩
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timen...ten me bl?ptousan hemas. Compare Pseudo-Ignatius, ad Antioch. 11, and Mart. Ignat. Rom. 6 (in both of which are found the words en hois akindunos he hupotage). ↩
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The proconsul made quite a concession here. He would have been glad to have Polycarp quiet the multitude if he could. Polycarp was not reckless and foolish in refusing to make the attempt, for he knew it would fail, and he preferred to retain his dignity and not compromise himself by appearing to ask for mercy. ↩
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The Jews appear very frequently as leading spirits in the persecution of Christians. The persecution under Nero was doubtless due to their instigation (see Bk. II. chap. 25, note 4). Compare also Tertullian, Scorp. 10, and Eusebius, H. E. V. 16. That the Jews were numerous in Smyrna has been shown by Lightfoot, ibid. p. 966. ↩
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"The Asiarch was the head of the Commune Asiae, the confederation of the principal cities of the Roman province of Asia. As such, he was the chief priest' of Asia, and president of the games" (Lightfoot, ibid. p. 967; on p. 987 ff. of the same volume, Lightfoot discusses the Asiarchate at considerable length). The Asiarch Philip mentioned here was a Trallian, as we learn from a statement toward the close of the epistle, which Eusebius does not quote; Lightfoot identifies him with a person named in various Trallian Inscriptions. ↩
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The Greek reads simply proseloun auton. ↩
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paidos not huiou. pais commonly conveys the meaning of servant rather than son, although in this passage it is evidently used in the latter sense. Its use in connection with Christ was in later times dropped as Arianistic in its tendency. ↩
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Compare John v. 29. ↩
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It is not necessary to dispute the truthfulness of the report in this and the next sentences on the ground that the events recorded are miraculous in their nature, and therefore cannot have happened. Natural causes may easily have produced some such phenomena as the writers describe, and which they of course regarded as miraculous. Lightfoot refers to a number of similar cases, Vol. I. p. 598 ff. Compare also Harnack in the Zeitschrift für Kirchengesch. II. p. 291 ff. ↩
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Komphektora. It was the common business of the Confectores to dispatch such wild beasts as had not been killed outright during the combat in the arena. See Lightfoot, p. 974. ↩
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Before the words "a quantity of blood" are found in all the Greek mss. of the epistle the words peristera kai, "a dove and." It seems probable that these words did not belong to the original text, but that they were, as many critics believe, an unintentional corruption of some other phrase, or that they were, as Lightfoot thinks, a deliberate interpolation by a late editor (see Lightfoot, II. 974 ff. and I. 627 ff.). No argument, therefore, against the honesty of Eusebius can be drawn from his omission of the words. ↩
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See above, note 6. That the word katholikes is used here in the later sense of "orthodox," as opposed to heretical and schismatical bodies, can be questioned by no one. Lightfoot, however, reads at this point hagias instead of katholikes in his edition of the epistle. It is true that he has some ms. support, but the mss. and versions of Eusebius are unanimous in favor of the latter word, and Lightfoot's grounds for making the change seem to be quite insufficient. If any change is to be made, the word should be dropped out entirely, as suggested by the note already referred to. ↩
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All, or nearly all, the mss. of Eusebius read D?lkes, and that reading is adopted by Stephanus, Valesius (in his text), Schwegler, Laemmer, Heinichen, and Crusè. On the other hand, the mss. of the epistle itself all support the form Alkes (or 'Alkes, Elkeis, as it appears respectively in two mss.), and Lightfoot accepts this unhesitatingly as the original form of the word, and it is adopted by many editors of Eusebius (Valesius, in his notes, Stroth, Zimmermann, Burton, and Closs). Dalce is an otherwise unknown name, while Alce, though rare, is a good Greek name, and is once connected with Smyrna in an inscription. Moreover, we learn from Ignatius, ad Smyr. 13, and ad Polyc. VIII., that Alce was a well-known Christian in Smyrna at the time Ignatius wrote his epistles. The use of the name at this point shows that its possessor was or had been a prominent character in the church of Smyrna, and the identification of the two seems to me beyond all reasonable doubt (see, also, Lightfoot, I. 353; II. 325 and 978). That Eusebius, however, wrote Alce is not so certain. In fact, in view of the external testimony, it might be regarded as quite as likely that he, by a mistake, wrote Dalce, as that some copyist afterwards committed the error. Still, the name Alce must have been to Eusebius, with his remarkable memory, familiar from Ignatius' epistles, and hence his mistaking it for another word seems a little strange. But whether Eusebius himself wrote Dalce or Alce, believing the latter to be the correct form, the form which he should have written, I have ventured to adopt it in my translation. ↩
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This shows that the martyrs were highly venerated even at this early date, as was indeed most natural, and as is acknowledged by the writers themselves just below. But it does not show that the Christians already worshiped or venerated their relics as they did in later centuries. The heathen, in their own paganism, might easily conclude from the Christians' tender care of and reverence for the martyrs' relics that they also worshiped them. ↩
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This is, so far as I am aware, the earliest notice of the annual celebration of the day of a martyr's death, a practice which early became so common in the Church. The next reference to the custom is in Tertullian's de Corona, 3 (cf. also Scorp. 15). So natural a practice, however, and one which was soon afterward universal, need not surprise us at this early date (see Ducange, Natalis, and Bingham, Ant. XIII. 9. 5, XX. 7. 2). ↩
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The majority of the mss. read dodeka tou en Smurne marturesantos, which, however, is quite ungrammatical as it stands in the sentence, and cannot be accepted. Heinichen reads dodeka ton en k.t.l., changing the genitive of the majority of the mss. to an accusative, but like them, as also like Rufinus, making twelve martyrs besides Polycarp. But the mss. of the epistle itself read dodekatos en Sm. marturesas, thus making only eleven martyrs in addition to Polycarp, and it cannot be doubted that this idiomatic Greek construction is the original. In view of that fact, I am constrained to read with Valesius, Schwegler, and Zahn (in his note on this passage in his edition of the epistle), dodekaton en Sm. marturesanta, translating literally, "suffered martyrdom with those from Philadelphia, the twelfth"; or, as I have rendered it freely in the text, "suffered martyrdom with the eleven from Philadelphia." It is, of course, possible that Eusebius himself substituted the dodeka for the dodekatos, but the variations and inconsistencies in the mss. at this point make it more probable that the change crept in later, and that Eusebius agreed with his original in making Polycarp the twelfth martyr, not the thirteenth. Of these eleven only Germanicus is mentioned in this epistle, and who the others were we do not know. They cannot have been persons of prominence, or Polycarp's martyrdom would not so completely have overshadowed theirs. ↩
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graphe. These other accounts were not given in the epistle of the Smyrnaeans, but were doubtless appended to that epistle in the ms. which Eusebius used. The accounts referred to are not found in any of our mss. of the epistle, but there is published in Ruinart's Acta Martyrum Sincera, p. 188 sq., a narrative in Latin of the martyrdom of a certain Pionius and of a certain Marcionist Metrodorus, as well as of others, which appears to be substantially the same as the document which Eusebius knew in the original Greek, and which he refers to here. The account bears all the marks of genuineness, and may be regarded as trustworthy, at least in the main points. But Eusebius has fallen into a serious chronological blunder in making these other martyrs contemporaries of Polycarp. We learn from a notice in the document given by Ruinart that Pionius, Metrodorus, and the others were put to death during the persecution of Decius, in 250 a.d., and this date is confirmed by external evidence. The document which Eusebius used may not have contained the distinct chronological notice which is now found in it, or Eusebius may have overlooked it, and finding the narrative given in his ms. in close connection with the account of Polycarp's martyrdom, he may have jumped hastily to the conclusion that both accounts relate to the same period of time. Or, as Lightfoot suggests, in the heading of the document there may have stood the words he aute periodos tou chronou (a peculiar phrase, which Eusebius repeats) indicating (as the words might indicate) that the events took place at the same season of the year, while Eusebius interpreted them to mean the same period of time. Upon these Acts, and upon Metrodorus and Pionius, see Lightfoot, I. p. 622 sqq. The Life of Polycarp, which purports to have been written by Pionius, is manifestly spurious and entirely untrustworthy, and belongs to the latter part of the fourth century. The true Pionius, therefore, who suffered under Decius, and the Pseudo-Pionius who wrote that Life are to be sharply distinguished (see Lightfoot, I. p. 626 sqq.). ↩
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This is an excellent summary of Pionius' sufferings, as recorded in the extant Acts referred to in the previous note. ↩
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This is the Collection of Ancient Martyrdoms, which is no longer extant, but which is referred to by Eusebius more than once in his History. For particulars in regard to it, see above, p. 30 sq. ↩
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A detailed account of the martyrdoms of Carpus, Papylus, and Agathonice is extant in numerous mss., and has been published more than once. It has, however, long been recognized as spurious and entirely untrustworthy. But in 1881 Aubè published in the Revue Archaeologique (Dec., p. 348 sq.) a shorter form of the Acts of these martyrs, which he had discovered in a Greek ms. in the Paris Library. There is no reason to doubt that these Acts are genuine and, in the main, quite trustworthy. The longer Acts assign the death of these martyrs to the reign of Decius, and they have always been regarded as suffering during that persecution. Aubè, in publishing his newly discovered document, still accepted the old date; but Zahn, upon the basis of the document which he had also seen, remarked in his Tatian's Diatessaron (p. 279) that Eusebius was correct in assigning these martyrdoms to the reign of Marcus Aurelius, and Lightfoot (I. p. 625) stated his belief that they are to be assigned either to that reign or to the reign of Septimius Severus. In 1888 Harnack (Texte und Unters. III. 4) published a new edition of the Acts from the same ms. which Aubè had used, accompanying the text with valuable notes and with a careful discussion of the age of the document. He has proved beyond all doubt that these martyrs were put to death during the reign of Marcus Aurelius, and that the shorter document which we have contains a genuine account related by an eye-witness. These are evidently the Acts which Eusebius had before him. In the spurious account Carpus is called a bishop, and Papylus a deacon. But in the shorter account they are simply Christians, and Papylus informs the judge that he is a citizen of Thyatira. Eusebius apparently did not include the account of these martyrs in his collection of Ancient Martyrdoms, and Harnack concludes from that that he found in it something that did not please him, viz. the fanaticism of Agathonice, who rashly and needlessly rushes to martyrdom, and the approval of her conduct expressed by the author of the Acts. We are reminded of the conduct of the Phrygian Quintus mentioned in the epistle of the Smyrnaeans but in that epistle such conduct is condemned. ↩
Übersetzung
ausblenden
Histoire ecclésiastique
CHAPITRE XV : COMMENT SOUS VÉRUS POLYCARPE SUBIT LE MARTYRE AVEC D'AUTRES DANS LA VILLE DE SMYRNE
[1] C'est à cette époque que Polycarpe mourut martyr, lors des persécutions très violentes qui bouleversèrent l'Asie. J'ai cru tout à fait utile d'insérer dans cette histoire, le souvenir écrit de sa mort qui nous en été conservé. [2] II existe une lettre, adressée aux églises du Pont au nom de l'église à laquelle il présidait, qui expose en ces termes ce qui le concerne : 1
« [3] L'église de Dieu qui habite Smyrne à celle de Philomélium et à toutes les chrétientés du monde appartenant à la sainte Église catholique : que la miséricorde, la paix, l'amour de Dieu le Père et de 417 notre Seigneur Jésus-Christ surabonde en vous. Frères, nous vous écrivons (voy. l'Appendice) ce qui concerne les martyrs et le bienheureux Polycarpe qui, par son martyre, a comme scellé et fait cesser la persécution. ».2
[4] Ensuite, avant d'en venir à ce dernier, ils racontent ce qui concerne les autres martyrs et décrivent la constance qu'ils ont montrée dans les tourments. Ils disent en effet la surprise dont étaient frappés les spectateurs, rangés en cercle sur les gradins, quand ils les voyaient, déchirés par les fouets, à ce point qu'on apercevait les veines et les artères les plus intérieures, et qu'apparaissaient les entrailles et les parties les plus cachées du corps. Ils étaient ensuite étendus sur des coquillages marins et des pointes aiguës, et, après avoir enduré toutes sortes de supplices et de tortures, enfin ils étaient exposés pour devenir la pâture des fauves. [5] Ils racontent qu'on remarqua surtout le très courageux Germanicus ; fortifié par la grâce de Dieu, il domina la crainte du trépas innée à tout homme. Le proconsul voulait le persuader; il lui alléguait son âge ; il lui disait qu'il était très jeune et dans la fleur de sa vie, et le priait d'avoir compassion de lui-même. Le martyr, sans hésiter, intrépidement, attira sur lui une bête farouche, lui fit presque violence et l'irrita, afin de sortir plus vite de leur monde injuste et pervers. [6] Devant cette mort remarquable, la multitude entière fut stupéfaite en voyant le courage du pieux martyr et la vaillance de toute la race des chrétiens. Puis, elle se reprit à crier en masse : « Enlevez les athées. 419 Qu'on cherche Polycarpe! » [7] Le tumulte, grâce à ces cris, arriva à son comble. Un certain Phrygien de race, qui s'appelait Quintus, venu récemment de son pays, voyant les bêtes et les autres tourments dont il était menacé, sentit son âme fléchir, eut peur et finalement se laissa aller à sauver sa vie. [8] Le texte de la lettre que nous avons citée nous apprend que ce chrétien avait agi trop inconsidérément, en se présentant à la légère au tribunal avec d'autres. Sa chute fut ainsi pour tous un exemple éclatant; elle prouva qu'il ne faut pas affronter de tels périls à l'aventure et sans circonspection.
Voilà tout ce qui concerne ces martyrs. [9] Polycarpe, lui, fut tout à fait admirable. Tout d'abord, au récit de ces scènes, il demeura calme, gardant sa sérénité accoutumée et sa tranquillité d'âme ; il voulut même continuer à habiter la ville. Il céda pourtant à ceux de ses compagnons qui étaient d'un avis contraire et l'exhortaient à s'éloigner ; il se retira dans un domaine peu distant de Smyrne et y vécut avec quelques-uns de ses disciples. Nuit et jour, il ne faisait que persévérer dans les prières qu'il adressait au Seigneur, et il ne cessait d'y demander et d'implorer la paix pour toutes les églises de la terre : c'était du reste tout à fait sa coutume. [10] Pendant sa prière, il eut la nuit une vision. Trois jours avant d'être pris, il vit l'oreiller qui était sous sa tête brûler soudain et se consumer. Il s'éveilla sur-le-champ, interpréta aussitôt la vision à ceux qui étaient là, leur prédit presque ce qui devait arriver et il leur annonça clai- 421 rement qu'il lui faudrait mourir par le feu pour le Christ.3 [11] Ceux qui le cherchaient, le faisaient avec toute l'activité possible. Contraint de nouveau par l'affection et l'attachement des frères, on dit qu'il alla dans un autre domaine. A peine y était-il que les émissaires arrivaient et saisissaient deux des serviteurs qui étaient là; ils en battirent un et grâce à lui ils parvinrent à la retraite de Polycarpe. [12] Ils étaient arrivés le soir. Ils le trouvèrent reposant alors dans une chambre haute d'où il eût pu s'échapper et passer dans une autre maison. Il ne le voulut pas et dit : « Que la volonté de Dieu soit faite. » [13] Lorsqu'il sut que ceux qui le poursuivaient étaient là, dit le récit, il descendit près d'eux, leur parla avec un visage tout à fait serein et très doux. Eux, qui jusque là ne le connaissaient pas, pensaient voir une apparition en contemplant cet homme si chargé d'années, cette physionomie si imposante et si calme, et ils s'étonnaient qu'on mît tant d'acharnement à s'emparer d'un tel vieillard. [14] Aussitôt Polycarpe fit en hâte servir la table et les invita à prendre un copieux repas ; il leur demanda seulement une heure pour prier en liberté. Ils y consentirent : il se leva et, animé par la grâce du Seigneur, il se mit à prier. Ceux qui l'entendaient en étaient frappés, et plusieurs d'entre eux se repentaient d'en vouloir à la vie de cet homme vénérable et pieux.
[15] Voici au reste, pour ce qui suivit, le texte même de la lettre (voy. l'Appendice)
« Quand il eut achevé sa prière et fait mention de tous ceux qu'il avait connus, petits et grands, illustres ou obscurs, de toute l'Église catholique répandue dans le monde, l'heure départir venue, on le plaça sur un âne et on l'emmena à la ville. C'était un jour de grand sabbat. Hérode, l'irénarque, et son père, Nicétas, le croisèrent : ils le prirent sur leur char et, assis près de lui, essayèrent de le décider. Ils lui disaient : « Quel mal y a-t-il à dire ces mots : Seigneur César, et à sacrifier et à sauver sa vie. » [16] Le vieillard se tut d'abord ; ils insistèrent : « Je ne dois pas, reprit-il, faire ce que vous me conseillez ». Voyant alors qu'ils ne gagnaient rien, ils lui dirent des paroles blessantes, le firent descendre avec précipitation si bien qu'en quittant le char, il se déchira le devant de la jambe. Il n'en fut pas plus ému que s'il n'avait rien souffert. Il marchait gaiement et en hâte, se laissant conduire vers le stade.
« [17] Le tumulte était tel dans le stade qu'on avait peine à rien entendre. Lorsque Polycarpe entra, une voix du ciel lui dit : « Sois courageux, Polycarpe, et agis vaillamment. » Personne ne vit qui parlait, mais beaucoup des nôtres perçurent ces paroles. [18] Le vieillard fut donc amené et le bruit redoubla quand on sut qu'il était pris. Il se présenta donc au proconsul qui lui demanda s'il était Polycarpe : il répondit que c'était lui. Alors le magistrat l'exhorta à renier sa foi : « Aie pitié de ton âge », lui disait-il et d'autres paroles de même genre qu'il leur est coutume de répéter. Puis, 425 il ajouta : « Jure par la fortune de César, repens-toi, dis : « Enlevez les athées. » [19] Polycarpe regarda toute la foule du stade d'un visage grave, étendit la main vers eux, gémit et leva les yeux vers le ciel : « Enlevez les athées », dit-il. [20] Le proconsul insista et dit : « Jure et je te mettrai en liberté; insulte le Christ. » Polycarpe repartit : « II y a quatre-vingt-six ans que je le « sers et il ne m'a pas fait de mal ; comment puis-je blasphémer mon roi et mon Sauveur?» [21] Le proconsul le pressa encore :« Jure par la fortune de César.— Si tu cherches une vaine gloire, dit-il, à me faire jurer par la fortune de César, comme tu le dis en feignant d'ignorer qui je suis, écoute. Je te le déclare librement : je suis chrétien. Si tu désires apprendre la doctrine du christianisme donne-moi un jour et tu l'entendras. » [22] Le proconsul dit : « Persuade le peuple. » Polycarpe dit : « Je veux bien encore te « rendre raison; car nous avons appris à donner aux magistrats et aux autorités établies par Dieu, l'honneur qui leur convient et qui ne nous nuit pas. Quant à ceux-ci, je ne les juge pas dignes d'entendre ma défense. » [23] Le proconsul dit : « J'ai des bêtes et je t'exposerai à elles si tu ne changes pas d'avis. » Polycarpe dit : « Appelle-les ; nous ne changeons jamais pour aller du meilleur au pis, mais il est beau de passer des maux à la justice. » [24] Le gouverneur reprit : 427 « Je te ferai dompter par le feu si tu méprises les fauves, à moins que tu changes d'avis ». Polycarpe dit : ,« Tu me menaces d'un feu qui brûle un moment et s'éteint peu après ; car tu ne connais pas le feu du jugement à venir et le châtiment éternel réservé aux impies. Mais pourquoi tardes-tu ? Fais amener ce que tu voudras. »
« [25] Tandis qu'il prononçait ces paroles et beaucoup d'autres il paraissait rempli de courage et de joie, et son visage étincelait de bonheur. Ainsi tout ce qu'on lui avait dit, l'avait laissé impassible. Le proconsul au contraire restait stupéfait; il envoya le héraut annoncer au milieu du stade : « Polycarpe s'est par trois fois déclaré chrétien. » [26] Lorsqu'on eut entendu cette proclamation, toute la foule des païens et des Juifs habitant Smyrne ne contint plus sa colère et clama à grands cris : « II est le docteur de l'Asie, le père des chrétiens, le destructeur de nos dieux ; c'est lui qui apprend à beaucoup de gens à ne pas sacrifier et à ne pas adorer. » [27] En même temps, ils criaient et demandaient à Philippe l'asiarque de lâcher un lion contre Polycarpe. Celui-ci répondit que cela ne lui était pas permis, parce que les combats des bêtes étaient achevés. Ils se mirent alors à crier unanimement de brûler vif Polycarpe. [28] II fallait en effet que la vision de l'oreiller qu'il avait eue s'accomplit. Lorsque le saint vieillard priait, il avait vu son chevet brûler, et s'étant tourné vers les fidèles qui l'entouraient, il avait dit d'une façon prophétique : « Je dois être brûlé vivant. » [29] Cela 429 fut fait plus rapidement que dit. La foule sur-le-champ courut dans les ateliers et les bains pour y chercher du bois et des fagots, elles Juifs étaient, selon leur coutume, très ardents à cette besogne. [30] Quand le bûcher fut prêt, Polycarpe quitta lui-même tous ses vêtements, enleva sa ceinture et essaya d'ôter lui-même sa chaussure : il n'était plus accoutumé à le faire seul, car chacun des fidèles s'empressait constamment à qui toucherait le plus vite son corps ; la perfection de sa vie était si complète qu'il avait été vénéré même avant qu'il n'eût des cheveux blancs. [31] On plaça donc rapidement autour de lui les matières du bûcher. A ceux qui allaient l'y clouer, il dit : « Laissez-moi comme je suis, celui qui m'a donné d'avoir à souffrir le feu, me donnera de rester tranquillement au bûcher sans être assujetti par vos clous. » On ne le cloua donc pas, mais on le lia. [32] II avait les mains attachées derrière le dos; il ressemblait ainsi à un agneau de choix pris dans un grand troupeau pour un holocauste agréable au Dieu tout- puissant. [33] II dit : « Ô Père de Jésus-Christ, ton Fils aimé et béni par qui nous avons reçu le bienfait de te connaître, Dieu des anges, des Puissances, de toute créature et de toute la race des justes qui vivent en ta présence, je te bénis parce que tu m'as jugé digne, en ce jour et à cette heure, d'être admis au nombre de tes martyrs, de prendre part au calice de ton Christ pour ressuscitera la vie sans fin de l'âme et du corps dans l'incorruptibilité du Saint-Esprit.4 [34] Reçois- 431 moi devant toi aujourd'hui parmi eux, dans un sacrifice généreux et agréable, selon que tu me l'avais préparé et annoncé, et que tu réalises, ô Dieu ennemi du mensonge et véritable. [35] C'est pourquoi je te loue de toutes choses, je te bénis, je te glorifie, par le pontife éternel Jésus-Christ, ton Fils aimé par lequel, à toi, avec lui dans le Saint-Esprit, gloire, aujourd'hui et dans les siècles avenir, Amen » .5
« [36] Dès qu'il eût dit « Amen » et achevé sa prière, les gens du bûcher allumèrent le feu, et une grande flamme s'éleva. Nous vîmes alors un prodige, nous du moins à qui il fut donné de l'apercevoir et nous étions réservés pour raconter aux autres ce qui arriva. [37] Le feu monta en effet en forme de voûte ou comme une voile de vaisseau gonflée par le vent et entoura le corps du martyr. Lui cependant était au milieu, semblable non à une chair qui brûle, mais à l'or et à l'argent embrasés dans la fournaise. Nous respirions un parfum aussi fort que celui qui s'exhale de l'encens et d'autres aromates précieux. [38] Les pervers voyant enfin que les flammes ne pouvaient attaquer sa chair, ordonnèrent au bourreau d'aller le percer de son glaive. [39] II le fit et un flot de sang jaillit, si bien que le feu s'éteignit et que la foule fut tout étonnée qu'il y eût tant de différence entre les incroyants et les élus. Polycarpe était l'un d'entre eux, lui, le docteur apostolique et prophétique le plus admirable de notre temps, évêque 433 de l'église catholique de Smyrne ; toute parole sortie de sa bouche s'est en effet accomplie et s'accomplira.6 « [40] Le mauvais, jaloux et envieux, l'adversaire de la race des justes, quand il eut vu la grandeur de son martyre, cette vie irréprochable depuis son début, le diadème d'immortalité qui la couronnait et cette victoire remportée d'une façon incontestable, prit soin que le cadavre de Polycarpe ne nous fût pas laissé, quoique beaucoup eussent désiré qu'il en fût ainsi et eussent souhaité d'avoir parte sa sainte dépouille. [41] Certains suggérèrent donc à Nicétas, père d'Hérode et frère d'Alcé, d'intervenir auprès dii gouverneur pour qu'il nous refusât le corps du martyr, de peur, disait-il, que, quittant le crucifié, nous ne nous missions à adorer celui-ci. Ils tinrent ce langage à l'instigation et sur les instances des Juifs : ceux-ci nous épiaient même, lorsque nous allions retirer le cadavre du feu. Ils ignoraient que jamais nous ne pourrons ni abandonner le Christ, qui a souffert pour le salut de ceux qui sont sauvés dans le monde entier, ni adresser nos hommages à un autre.7 [42] Nous l'adorons, lui, parce qu'il est fils de Dieu, et nous aimons aussi à bon droit les martyrs, mais comme des disciples et imitateurs du Seigneur, à cause de leur invincible attachement à notre roi et maître. Puissions-nous leur être unis et devenir leurs compagnons à l'école du Christ. [43] Le centurion voyant la jalousie des Juifs, fit placer le corps au milieu selon leur coutume, et le brûla. De la sorte, ce ne fut que plus tard que nous avons enlevé ses ossements, plus chers que des pierres précieuses et plus estimables que l'or; nous les avons placés dans un lieu con- 435 venable. [44] C'est là que nous nous réunirons dans l'allégresse et la joie lorsque nous le pourrons et quand le Seigneur nous permettra de célébrer le jour natal de son martyre, pour nous souvenir de ceux qui ont combattu avant nous, et pour exercer et préparer ceux qui doivent lutter dans l'avenir. [45] Voilà ce qui concerne le bienheureux Polycarpe. II fut le douzième qui souffrit le martyre à Smyrne, en comptant ceux de Philadelphie, mais c'est de lui seul qu'on se souvient de préférence et dont on parle en tous lieux, même chez les païens. »8
[46] Voilà comment il faut apprécier l'admirable fin de cet homme merveilleux et apostolique qu'était Polycarpe ; les frères de l'église de Smyrne en ont fait le récit dans l'épître que nous avons citée. Dans le même livre, se trouvent encore d'autres martyres qui ont eu lieu dans la même ville à la même époque de la mort de Polycarpe. Parmi eux, Métrodore, qui paraît avoir été prêtre de l'erreur de Marcion, périt par le feu. [47] Un des athlètes d'alors se distingua et fut très célèbre ; il s'appelait Pionius. Ses diverses confessions, la liberté de son langage, les apologies qu'il fit de sa foi devant le peuple et les magistrats, les enseignements qu'il donna à la foule dans ses discours, ses encouragements à ceux qui avaient succombé dans l'épreuve de la persécution, les exhortations qu'il adressait aux frères qui venaient à lui dans la prison, les souffrances et les tourments qu'il eut ensuite à endurer comme, entre autres, d'être percé de clous, son courage au milieu des 437 flammes et enfin sa mort après tous ces merveilleux combats, tout cela est exposé très au long dans la relation écrite qui le concerne. Nous y renverrons ceux qui la désireraient ; nous l'avons insérée dans notre collection des anciens martyres. [48] On montre en outre aussi les passions d'autres chrétiens martyrisés à Pergame, ville d'Asie, Garpus et Papylus, et une femme, Agathonice, qui périrent glorieusement, après avoir confessé leur foi à plusieurs reprises et d'une façon remarquable.
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κατὰ Πόντον ABDM syr., lat. ; κατὰ τόπον ERT SCHWARTZ. On peut hésiter entre les deux leçons. Philomelium n'est pas dans le Pont, mais en Phrygie. De plus, l'adresse authentique, citée ensuite, porte κατὰ πάντα τόπον. Mais, d'autre part, πάντα manque dans Eusèbe, et il faudrait prouver que κατὰ τόπον suffit. Il est probable que certains mss. d'Eusèbe ont été corrigée d'après l'adresse de la lettre 515 et qu'Eusèbe a bien écrit, en dépit de la géographie, κατὰ Πoντον. ↩
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ἐγράψαμεν : l'auteur d'une lettre se place souvent au moment où on la lira et met au passé ce qui est encore pour lui un présent ; KUEHNER, Grammatik der Griech. Sprache, t. II, le partie, par B. GERTH Hlannovre, 1898), p. 168 ; Fr. BLASS, Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Griechisch, § 57, 10 (1e éd., Goettingue, 1896, p. 190). ↩
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ἄθρόυς; : voy. la note sur III, viii, 6. Le texte du Martyrium Polycarpi [G) diffère sur plus d'un point de celui d'Eusèbe. Voici les principales divergences. 15, κύριος EMBT, G; κύριε ABD, Domine trad. lat. de G. ↩
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τοῦ Χριστοῦ σου EB lat., partie des mss. de G; σου om. ABDMT, syr., un ms. de G. ↩
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ἀρχιερέως mss., syr., G ; deum et pontificem, RUFIN (addition antisubordinatienne). — ἐν πνεύματι mss., σύν syr.lat., XÏI G. ↩
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καθολικῆς om. syr., lat. ↩
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δ' Ἄλκης : Eusèbe avait Δάλκης (tous les mss., sauf D, lat., syr.) ; δὲ Ἄλκης; D, corrigé d'aprés G qui a gardé le texte primitif.— τῶν σῳζόμενων om. T, lat.. un ms. de G : d'après M. Schwartz, texte primitif auquel s'est ajouté, ensuite une correction (ou une glose), τοῦ πάντος κόσμου. ↩
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δωδεκάτου paraît avoir été la leçon de l'archétype de nos mss. d'Eusèbe ; mais les traductions supposent un autre texte : κ mit den zwölf von Philadelphia die zeugten » ; syr. ; cum quo etiam alii duodecim ex Philadelphia uenientes... martyrio consummati sunt, lat. Cf. G : Πολύκαρπον ὃ;... δωδέκατος. — μαρτυρήσαντος SCHWARTZ ; μαρτυρήσαντος ὅς mss. ; μαρτυρήσας — 8;... κατατεθειμένων om. lat. — ὑπὸ πάντων μᾶλλον mss.. πάντων μᾶλλον syr., soius inler celcros trad. lat. de G, ὑπὸ πάντων G. Primitivement : πάντων μᾶλλον, glosé ou corrigé par μόνος, qui a passé dans le texte et a été rattaché à πάντων par ὑπό (SCHWARTZ). — A ces observations, il faut ajouter que M. Schwartz considère comme doublons ou interpolations : 18 : προσαχένθος... προσελθόντα (doublon de άγόμενος... εἰσιόντι 10-17); 28 : προσευχόμενος et ἐπιστραφείς (et 10 : εὐχό- 516 μενον), interpolalions antérieures à Eusèbe ; 36 : οἳ ... τὰ γενόμενα 39 : ἐπίσκοπος (suspecté à tort). En revanche, Eusèbe n'a pas la mention de la colombe, § 39 : ἐξῆλθε περιστερὰ καὶ πλῆθος αἵματος, G. — Sur 6, 18 et 19, voy. JUSTIN, Apol., I, vi, 1. ↩