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Histoire ecclésiastique
CHAPITRE XI : CE QUI ARRIVE A DENYS ET A CEUX D'EGYPTE
[1] Au sujet de la persécution qui sévissait sous ce prince avec une très grande force, ce que ce même Denys a enduré, avec d'autres, pour la religion du Dieu de l'univers sera expliqué dans les paroles qu'il adressa en une longue lettre à Germain, un des évêques ses con - 319 temporains qui essayait de dire du mal de lui ; il expose ce qui suit :
[2] « Je risque de tomber réellement dans une grande folie et stupidité, réduit que je suis à la nécessité de raconter l'admirable conduite de Dieu envers nous ; mais puisque, dit-on, « il est bon de cacher le secret du roi mais glorieux de révéler les œuvres de Dieu », j'en viendra là, grâce à la violence que me fait Germain.
[3] « Je vins devant Emilien, mais non pas seul ; je fus accompagné par mon collègue dans le sacerdoce et Maxime et par les diacres Faustus, Eusèbe, Chérémon, même un des frères de Rome qui étaient parmi nous, entra avec nous.2 [4] Emilien ne me dit pas tout d'abord : «Ne réunis plus [les frères].» Cela lui était en effet chose accessoire et il s'empressa d'aller tout d'abord au but final ; il ne parla donc pas de ne plus assembler les autres, mais de ne plus être chrétiens nous-mêmes et il nous ordonna de cesser de l'être; si je changeais de convictions, les autres me suivraient, eux aussi, pensait-il. [5] Mais je répondis tout naturellement par la courte parole : « Il vaut mieux obéir à Dieu qu'aux hommes », et devant lui je rendis le témoignage que j'adorais le seul Dieu qui existe et pas d'autre, que je ne changerais pas et que jamais je ne cesserais d'être chrétien. Sur ce, il nous ordonna d'aller dans un bourg voisin du désert appelé Képhro.3 [6] Mais écoutez les paroles mêmes que nous avons dites de part et d'autre, ainsi qu'elles sont consignées dans les documents officiels.
« Denys, Faustus, Maxime, Marcel et Chérémon 321 étant introduits, Émilion, exerçant la charge de gouverneur, dit : « Je vous ai entretenus de vive voix de la bonté dont nos maîtres usent envers vous;4 [7] ils vous donnent en effet la faculté d'être délivrés si vous voulez vous tourner vers ce qui est conforme à la nature et adorer les dieux qui conservent leur empire, mais aussi, d'autre part, omettre les choses qui répugnent à la nature. Que dites-vous donc à cela? car j'attends de vous que vous ne soyez pas ingrats envers la bienveillance de nos princes puisqu'ils vous exhortent à ce qu'il y a de meilleur. »
[8] « Denys répondit : « Tous n'adorent pas tous les dieux, mais chacun adore ceux qu'il regarde comme tels. Aussi bien nous adorons le Dieu unique, créateur de tous les êtres, celui qui a mis l'empire aux mains des très pieux Augustes, Valérien et Gallien, c'est lui que nous révérons et adorons, et nous le prions sans cesse pour leur règne afin qu'il demeure inébranlable. »
[9] « Emilien exerçant la charge de gouverneur leur dit : « Qui donc vous empêche de l'adorer, s'il est Dieu, avec les dieux qui le sont par nature? car on vous ordonne d'adorer les dieux et les dieux que tous savent. »
« Denys répondit : « Nous n'adorons pas d'autre dieu.»
[10] « Emilien exerçant la charge de gouverneur leur dit : « Je vois que vous êtes ingrats et insensibles à la mansuétude de nos Augustes, c'est pourquoi vous ne resterez pas dans cette ville, mais vous serez envoyés 323 dans les régions de la Libye, dans un lieu appelé Képhro, car j'ai choisi ce pays par ordre de nos Augustes. Jamais il ne vous sera permis ni à vous ni à d'autres de faire des assemblées, ni d'entrer dans ce qu'on appelle les cimetières.5 [11] Si, d'autre part, quelqu'un est vu ailleurs que dans le lieu que j'ai ordonné, ou est trouvé dans une assemblée quelconque, il se mettra en péril imminent, car le châtiment convenable ne manquera pas. Retirez-vous donc où il vous a été ordonné. »
« J'étais malade, mais il me contraignit à partir, sans me donner un seul jour de délai. Comment donc m'eût-il été loisible de réunir ou non l'assemblée ? »
Puis après autres choses il dit : [12] « Cependant nous ne nous sommes pas avec l'aide du Seigneur abstenus de nous assembler d'une façon réelle ; d'une part j'ai convoqué avec beaucoup de soin ceux qui étaient dans la ville, comme si j'étais avec eux, « j'étais absent de corps mais présent d'esprit »; d'autre part, à Képhro, une église nombreuse se réunit à nous ; elle était composée d'abord des frères de la ville [d'Alexandrie] qui nous avaient suivis, puis de ceux qui venaient d'Egypte.6 [13] Là encore Dieu ouvrit pour nous une porte à la parole. Tout d'abord nous fûmes persécutés, frappés à coups de pierres, mais plus tard un nombre assez respectable de païens laissèrent les idoles et se convertirent à Dieu. Ils n'avaient pas jusque-là reçu la parole divine; elle leur était alors distribuée par nous pour la première fois. [14] Et comme si Dieu nous avait conduits auprès d'eux pour 325 cela, lorsque nous eûmes rempli cet office, il nous en retira, Émilien résolut en effet de nous faire changer de résidence et aller vers des pays plus rudes, à ce qu'il parut, et plus libyens et il ordonna que de partout on se dirigeât ensemble vers le Maréote, assignant à chacun comme résidence un bourg parmi ceux de la contrée. Pour moi il me plaça de préférence sur la route comme devant être arrêté le premier. Il avait en effet manifestement arrangé et préparé la chose de façon à ce que quand il voudrait nous prendre il nous eût tous facilement sous la main.7
[15] « Quant à moi, lorsque je reçus l'ordre de partir pour Képhro, j'ignorais où était ce pays, et j'en avais à peine entendu prononcer le nom autrefois, et cependant j'y allai avec courage et tranquillité, mais lorsqu'il me fut annoncé qu'il fallait émigrer vers Colluthion, ceux qui étaient auprès de moi savent comment je fus affecté (car ici je dois m'accuser) : [16] je fus d'abord accablée, je m'irritai fort ; si ces lieux m'étaient en effet plus connus et plus familiers, on disait qu'ils étaient vides de nos frères et de gens qui nous fussent sympathiques, et d'autre part exposés au tumulte des caravanes et aux incursions des brigands. [17] J'eus cependant une consolation, ce fut d'entendre les frères rappeler qu'on était plus voisin de la ville [d'Alexandrie]; d'une part Képhro nous avait procuré des relations nombreuses avec les frères d'Egypte, si bien qu'il avait été possible d'étendre plus au loin l'influence de l'Église ; mais d'autre part plus proches d'Alexandrie nous jouirions d'une façon plus continue de la vue de ceux qui nous sont vraiment affectionnés, très intimes et très chers, 327 car ils y devaient venir et faire séjour ; et comme dans les faubourgs écartés, des assemblées partielles y auraient lieu; il on arriva ainsi. »8
[18] Et après autre chose, il écrit encore ceci concernant ce qui lui est arrivé : « Germain s'honore de ses nombreuses confessions, il a du reste beaucoup à dire de ce qui a été fait contre lui ; combien pourrait-il en compter qui nous concernent? condamnations, confiscations, ventes aux enchères, pillages des biens, pertes des dignités, mépris de la gloire séculière, dédain des éloges des préfets, des gens du sénat et des ennemis, support des menaces, des clameurs, des dangers, des persécutions, de la vie errante, de la gêne et des afflictions de toutes sortes, telles qu'elles me sont arrivées sous Dèce et Sabinus, et maintenant encore sous Emilien.9 [19] Où Germain a-t-il été vu? Quel récit a-t-on fait de lui ? Mais je laisse la grande folie dans laquelle je suis tombé à cause de Germain, et quant à ce qui regarde la narration de chacune des choses qui me sont arrivées je remets aux frères qui les savent le soin de la faire. »
[20] Le même Denys dans sa lettre à Dométius et à Didyme, rappelle encore les incidents de la persécution en ces termes : « Les nôtres sont nombreux et vous ne les connaissez pas, il est superflu de faire la liste de leurs noms ; toutefois sachez que des hommes, des femmes, des jeunes gens, des vieillards, des jeunes filles, et des personnes avancées en âge, des soldats, de simples particuliers, des gens de toutes races et de tout âge, après avoir vaincu, les uns par les fouets et le feu, et les autres par le fer ont reçu les couronnes. [21] Pour d'autres 329 une période de temps tout à fait longue n'a pas suffi pour qu'ils parussent acceptables au Seigneur ; c'est ainsi, du reste, qu'il a semblé en être pour moi jusqu'à maintenant; c'est pourquoi il m'a réservé pour l'heure favorable que lui-même connaît, quand il dit : « Je t'ai exaucé au moment favorable et je t'ai secouru à l'heure du salut. »
[22] « Puis donc que vous cherchez à connaître ce qui nous concerne et que vous voulez qu'on vous raconte comment nous vivons, apprenez d'abord que nous avons été emmenés prisonniers par un centurion des officiers et les soldats ou serviteurs qui étaient avec eux, moi, Gaius, Faustus, Pierre et Paul. Des Maréotes survenant nous ont enlevés malgré nous; nous refusions de les suivre, mais ils nous ont entraînés de force.10 [23] Maintenant moi, Gaius et Pierre seuls après avoir été séparés de nos autres frères, avons été enfermés dans un pays désert et aride de la Libye ; trois jours de marche nous séparent de Parétonium. »
[24] Et un peu plus loin il dit : « Dans la ville des prêtres se sont cachés et ont visité secrètement les frères ce sont Maxime, Dioscore, Démétrius, Lucius ; ceux en effet qui étaient plus connus dans le monde, Faustin et Aquila, errent en Egypte ; quant aux diacres qui ont survécu à ceux qui sont morts dans l'île, ce sont Faustus, Eusèbe et Chérémon. C'est cet Eusèbe que Dieu a fortifié dès le début et préparé à s'acquitter avec courage du service des confesseurs en prison et à remplir la mission, non sans danger, d'ensevelir les corps des parfaits et bienheureux martyrs.11 [25] Car jusqu'à aujourd'hui le gouverneur 331 ne manque pas, lorsqu'on en amène quelques-uns devant lui, ou de les mettre à mort cruellement, ou de les déchirer en des tortures, ou de les faire languir en prison et dans les chaînes; il interdit que nul n'approche d'eux, et il veille strictement à ce que personne n'y paraisse. Cependant, Dieu, grâce au courage et à l'insistance des frères, procure un peu de soulagement aux affligés. » Voilà ce que dit Denys.12
[26] Il faut savoir qu'Eusèbe, que Denys a appelé diacre, a été peu après établi évêque de Laodicée en Syrie ; quant à Maxime, qu'il cite alors comme prêtre, il a succédé à Denys lui-même dans le gouvernement spirituel des frères d'Alexandrie; pour Faustus, qui s'était alors distingué avec lui dans la confession, il a été conservé jusqu'à la persécution de notre temps, véritable vieillard plein de jours ; il a terminé sa vie à notre époque par le martyre et a eu la tête tranchée.
Voilà ce qui arriva à Denys en ce temps-là.
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1-19 = FELTOE, 27, 10 -36, 7. ↩
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Cet Emilien ne doit pas être confondu avec le successeur de Gallus. Il prit lui-même la pourpre, sous le règne de Gallien ; mais Théodote, général de Gallien, le vainquit et le fit tuer. - Maxime devait succéder à Denys sur le siège d'Alexandrie. ↩
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Képhro, village dont on ne sait rien de plus. ↩
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Marcellus n'a pas été nommé précédemment; est-ce le frère de Rome qui a été pris avec eux? Ici Eusèbe est omis. ↩
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καλούμενα prouve que ce sens de κοιμητήριον est chrétien. Sur les cimetières, voy. DUCHESNE Hist, t. I, p. 387 ; et l'art, spécial du Dictionnaire d'archéologie de dom Cabrol. - « Accusabatur scilicet Dionysius a Germano quod conuentus fratrum non habuisset ente exotlam persecutionem, sed fuga saluti suae prospexisset. Quotiens enim ingruebat persecutio, solebant prius episcopi populum congregare » (VALOIS). ↩
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ὡς εἶπεν : voy. la n. sur viii 5 ↩
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λιβυκωτέρους : cf. x, 5. Cette expression est contredite par la mention du lac Maréotis ; voy. la n. de Schwartz. ↩
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γειτνιῴη SCHARTZ : γνειντιῶ, BDT γειτνιῶ EM, γειτνίᾶ AR2, .« ist nah » arm. - προάστείοις désigne la région qui entoure une ville; voy. BINGHAM, Antiq., IX, ii, 3 (FELTOR). ↩
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ὁμολογίας : Confessions de la foi devant les autorités en temps de pesécution. - πολλά τἑ εἶπεν WILAMOWITZ. - Sur la persécution sous Dèce cf. Sabinus, νον. VI, x,i 2. - Le deuxième ρῖα, devant μέχρι est une altération antérieure à Eusèbe. 547 - 20-25 = 69, 4. ↩
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στρατηγῶν : des magistrats civils, duumuiri, auxquels sont attachés les ὑπηρεταί, tandis que les soldats dépendent du centurion. — ἀφήρπασαν : sur ces événements, voy. VI, x. 6. ↩
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νήσῳ lat. arm., νόσῳ mss. : probablement une île du fleuve, connue des chrétiens; voy. SCHWAHTZ, p. lxxxvi. - τελείων : ces parfaits sont les martyrs; cf. VII, xii, 26. ↩
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Sur Eusèbe, voy. xxxii, 5; sur Maxime, xxviii, 3; la persécution où périt Faustus est celle de Dioctétien (303-304). ↩
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The Church History of Eusebius
Chapter XI.--The Events which happened at this Time to Dionysius and those in Egypt.
1. But as regards the persecution which prevailed so fiercely in his reign, and the sufferings which Dionysius with others endured on account of piety toward the God of the universe, his own words shall show, which he wrote in answer to Germanus, 1 a contemporary bishop who was endeavoring to slander him. His statement is as follows:
2. "Truly I am in danger of falling into great folly and stupidity through being forced to relate the wonderful providence of God toward us. But since it is said 2 that it is good to keep close the secret of a king, but it is honorable to reveal the works of God,' 3 I will join issue with the violence of Germanus.
3. I went not alone to Æmilianus; 4 but my fellow-presbyter, Maximus, 5 and the deacons Faustus, 6 Eusebius, 7 and Chaeremon, 8 and a brother who was present from Rome, went with me.
4. But Æmilianus did not at first say to me: Hold no assemblies;' 9 for this was superfluous to him, and the last thing to one who was seeking to accomplish the first. For he was not concerned about our assembling, but that we ourselves should not be Christians. And he commanded me to give this up; supposing if I turned from it, the others also would follow me.
5. But I answered him, neither unsuitably nor in many words: We must obey God rather than men.' 10 And I testified openly that I worshiped the one only God, and no other; and that I would not turn from this nor would I ever cease to be a Christian. Thereupon he commanded us to go to a village near the desert, called Cephro. 11
6. But listen to the very words which were spoken on both sides, as they were recorded: "Dionysius, Faustus, Maximus, Marcellus, 12 and Chaeremon being arraigned, Æmilianus the prefect said:
7. I have reasoned verbally with you concerning the clemency which our rulers have shown to you; for they have given you the opportunity to save yourselves, if you will turn to that which is according to nature, and worship the gods that preserve their empire, and forget those that are contrary to nature. 13 What then do you say to this? For I do not think that you will be ungrateful for their kindness, since they would turn you to a better course.'
8. Dionysius replied: Not all people worship all gods; but each one those whom he approves. We therefore reverence and worship the one God, the Maker of all; who hath given the empire to the divinely favored and august Valerian and Gallienus; and we pray to him continually for their empire that it may remain unshaken.'
9. Æmilianus, the prefect, said to them: But who forbids you to worship him, if he is a god, together with those who are gods by nature. For ye have been commanded to reverence the gods, and the gods whom all know.' Dionysius answered:
10. We worship no other.' Æmilianus, the prefect, said to them: I see that you are at once ungrateful, and insensible to the kindness of our sovereigns. Wherefore ye shall not remain in this city. But ye shall be sent into the regions of Libya, to a place called Cephro. For I have chosen this place at the command of our sovereigns, and it shall by no means be permitted you or any others, either to hold assemblies, or to enter into the so called cemeteries. 14
11. But if any one shall be seen without the place which I have commanded, or be found in any assembly, he will bring peril on himself. For suitable punishment shall not fail. Go, therefore where ye have been ordered.'
"And he hastened me away, though I was sick, not granting even a day's respite. What opportunity then did I have, either to hold assemblies, or not to hold them?" 15
12. Farther on he says: "But through the help of the Lord we did not give up the open assembly. But I called together the more diligently those who were in the city, as if I were with them; being, so to speak, 16 absent in body but present in spirit.' 17 But in Cephro a large church gathered with us of the brethren that followed us from the city, and those that joined us from Egypt; and there God opened unto us a door for the Word.' 18
13. At first we were persecuted and stoned; but afterwards not a few of the heathen forsook the idols and turned to God. For until this time they had not heard the Word, since it was then first sown by us.
14. And as if God had brought us to them for this purpose, when we had performed this ministry he transferred us to another place. For
Æmilianus, as it appeared, desired to transport us to rougher and more Libyan-like places; 19 so he commanded them to assemble from all quarters in Mareotis, 20 and assigned to them different villages throughout the country. But he ordered us to be placed nearer the highway that we might be seized first. 21 For evidently he arranged and prepared matters so that whenever he wished to seize us he could take all of us without difficulty.
15. When I was first ordered to go to Cephro I did not know where the place was, and had scarcely ever heard the name; yet I went readily and cheerfully. But when I was told that I was to remove to the district of Colluthion, 22 those who were present know how I was affected.
16. For here I will accuse myself. At first I was grieved and greatly disturbed; for though these places were better known and more familiar to us, yet the country was said to be destitute of brethren and of men of character, and to be exposed to the annoyances of travelers and incursions of robbers.
17. But I was comforted when the brethren reminded me that it was nearer the city, and that while Cephro afforded us much intercourse with the brethren from Egypt, so that we were able to extend the Church more widely, as this place was nearer the city we should enjoy more frequently the sight of those who were truly beloved and most closely related and dearest to us. For they would come and remain, and special meetings 23 could be held, as in the more remote suburbs. And thus it turned out." After other matters he writes again as follows of the things which happened to him:
18. "Germanus indeed boasts of many confessions. He can speak forsooth of many adversities which he himself has endured. But is he able to reckon up as many as we can, of sentences, confiscations, proscriptions, plundering of goods, loss of dignities, contempt of worldly glory, disregard for the flatteries of governors and of councilors, and patient endurance of the threats of opponents, of outcries, of perils and persecutions, and wandering and distress, and all kinds of tribulation, such as came upon me under Decius and Sabinus, 24 and such as continue even now under Æmilianus? But where has Germanus been seen? And what account is there of him?
19. But I turn from this great folly into which I am falling on account of Germanus. And for the same reason I desist from giving to the brethren who know it an account of everything which took place."
20. The same writer also in the epistle to Domitius and Didymus 25 mentions some particulars of the persecution as follows: "As our people are many and unknown to you, it would be superfluous to give their names; but understand that men and women, young and old, maidens and matrons, soldiers and civilians, of every race and age, some by scourging and fire, others by the sword, have conquered in the strife and received their crowns.
21. But in the case of some a very long time was not sufficient to make them appear acceptable to the Lord; as, indeed, it seems also in my own case, that sufficient time has not yet elapsed. Wherefore he has retained me for the time which he knows to be fitting, saying, In an acceptable time have I heard thee, and in a day of salvation have I helped thee.' 26
22. For as you have inquired of our affairs and desire us to tell you how we are situated, you have heard fully that when we--that is, myself and Gaius and Faustus and Peter and Paul 27 --were led away as prisoners by a centurion and magistrates, with their soldiers and servants, certain persons from Mareotis came and dragged us away by force, as we were unwilling to follow them. 28
23. But now I and Gaius and Peter are alone, deprived of the other brethren, and shut up in a desert and dry place in Libya, three days' journey from Paraetonium." 29
24. He says farther on: "The presbyters, Maximus, 30 Dioscorus, 31 Demetrius, and Lucius 32 concealed themselves in the city, and visited the brethren secretly; for Faustinus and Aquila, 33 who are more prominent in the world, are wandering in Egypt. But the deacons, Faustus, Eusebius, and Chaeremon, 34 have survived those who died in the pestilence. Eusebius is one whom God has strengthened and endowed from the first to fulfill energetically the ministrations for the imprisoned confessors, and to attend to the dangerous task of preparing for burial the bodies of the perfected and blessed martyrs.
25. For as I have said before, unto the present time the governor continues to put to death in a cruel manner those who are brought to trial. And he destroys some with tortures, and wastes others away with imprisonment and bonds; and he suffers no one to go near them, and investigates whether any one does so. Nevertheless God gives relief to the afflicted through the zeal and persistence of the brethren."
26. Thus far Dionysius. But it should be known that Eusebius, whom he calls a deacon, shortly afterward became bishop of the church of Laodicea in Syria; 35 and Maximus, of whom he speaks as being then a presbyter, succeeded Dionysius himself as bishop of Alexandria. 36 But the Faustus who was with him, and who at that time was distinguished for his confession, was preserved until the persecution in our day, 37 when being very old and full of days, he closed his life by martyrdom, being beheaded. But such are the things which happened at that time 38 to Dionysius.
Æmilian speaks of them as the "so-called (kaloumena) cemeteries."
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On Germanus, and Dionysius' epistle to him, see above, Bk. VI. chap. 40, note 2. ↩
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Literally "it says" (phesi), a common formula in quoting from Scripture. ↩
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Tob. xii. 7. ↩
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This Æmilianus, prefect of Egypt, under whom the persecution was carried on in Alexandria during Valerian's reign, later, during the reign of Gallienus, was induced (or compelled) by the troops of Alexandria to revolt against Gallienus, and assume the purple himself. He was defeated, however, by Theodotus, Gallienus' general, and was put to death in prison, in what year we do not know. Cf. Tillemont's Hist. des Emp. III. p. 342 sq. ↩
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Maximus is mentioned a number of times in this chapter in connection with the persecution. After the death of Dionysius he succeeded him as bishop of Alexandria, and as such is referred to below, in chaps. 28, 30, and 32. For the dates of his episcopate, see chap. 28, note 10. ↩
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On Faustus, see above, Bk. VI. chap. 40, note 10. ↩
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In regard to this deacon Eusebius, who later became bishop of Laodicea, see chap. 32, note 12. ↩
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Chaeremon is mentioned three times in the present chapter, but we have no other reliable information in regard to him. ↩
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We may gather from §11, below, that Germanus had accused Dionysius of neglecting to hold the customary assemblies, and of seeking safety by flight. Valesius, in his note ad locum, remarks, "Dionysius was accused by Germanus of neglecting to hold the assemblies of the brethren before the beginning of the persecution, and of providing for his own safety by flight. For as often as persecution arose the bishops were accustomed first to convene the people, that they might exhort them to hold fast to their faith in Christ. Then they baptized infants and catechumens, that they might not depart this life without baptism, and they gave the eucharist to the faithful, because they did not know how long the persecution might last." Valesius refers for confirmation of his statements to an epistle sent to Pope Hormisdas, by Germanus and others, in regard to Dorotheus, bishop of Thessalonica (circa a.d. 519). I have not been able to verify the reference. The custom mentioned by Valesius is certainly a most natural one, and therefore Valesius' statements are very likely quite true, though there seems to be little direct testimony upon which to rest them. ↩
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Acts v. 29. ↩
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We learn from §10, below, that Cephro was in Libya. Beyond this nothing is known of the place so far as I am aware. ↩
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This Marcellus, the only one not mentioned in §3, above, is an otherwise unknown person. ↩
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ton para phusin. That the ton refers to "gods" (viz. the gods of the Christians, Æmilianus thinking of them as plural) seems clear, both on account of the theous just preceding, and also in view of the fact that in §9 we have the phrase ton kata phusin theon. A contrast, therefore, is drawn in the present case between the gods of the heathen and those of the Christians. ↩
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koimeteria; literally, "sleeping-places." The word was used only in this sense in classic Greek; but the Christians, looking upon death only as a sleep, early applied the name to their burial places; hence ↩
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See above, note 9. ↩
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hos eipein, a reading approved by Valesius in his notes, and adopted by Schwegler and Heinichen. This and the readings hos eipen, "as he said" (adopted by Stroth, Zimmermann, and Laemmer), and hos eipon, "as I said" (adopted by Stephanus, Valesius in his text, and Burton), are about equally supported by ms. authority, while some mss. read hos eipen ho apostolos, "as the apostle said." It is impossible to decide with any degree of assurance between the first three readings. ↩
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1 Cor. v. 3. ↩
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Col. iv. 3. ↩
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Libukoterous topous. Libya was an indefinite term among the ancients for that part of Africa which included the Great Desert and all the unexplored country lying west and south of it. Almost nothing was known about the country, and the desert and the regions beyond were peopled by the fancy with all sorts of terrible monsters, and were looked upon as the theater of the most dire forces, natural and supernatural. As a consequence, the term "Libyan" became a synonym for all that was most disagreeable and dreadful in nature. ↩
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Mareotis, or Mareia, or Maria, was one of the land districts into which Egypt was divided. A lake, a town situated on the shore of the lake, and the district in which they lay, all bore the same name. The district Mareotis lay just south of Alexandria, but did not include it, for Alexandria and Ptolemais formed an independent sphere of administration sharply separated from the thirty-six land districts of the country. Cf. Bk. II. chap. 17, notes 10 and 12, above. Mommsen (Roman Provinces, Scribner's ed. Vol. II. p. 255) remarks that these land districts, like the cities, became the basis of episcopal dioceses. This we should expect to be the case, but I am not aware that we can prove it to have been regularly so, at any rate not during the earlier centuries. Cf. e.g. Wiltsch's Geography and Statistics of the Church, London ed., I. p. 192 sq. ↩
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hemas de mallon en hodo kai protous katalephthesomenous ?taxen. ↩
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ta Kollouthionos (sc. mere), i.e. the parts or regions of Colluthion. Of Colluthion, so far as I am aware, nothing is known. It seems to have been a town, possibly a section of country in the district of Mareotis. Nicephorus spells the word with a single l, which Valesius contends is more correct because the word is derived from Colutho, which was not an uncommon name in Egypt (see Valesius' note ad locum). ↩
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kata meros sunagogai, literally, "partial meetings." It is plain enough from this that persons living in the suburbs were allowed to hold special services in their homes or elsewhere, and were not compelled always to attend the city church, which might be a number of miles distant. It seems to me doubtful whether this passage is sufficient to warrant Valesius' conclusion, that in the time of Dionysius there was but one church in Alexandria, where the brethren met for worship. It may have been so, but the words do not appear to indicate, as Valesius thinks they do, that matters were in a different state then from that which existed in the time of Athanasius, who, in his Apology to Constantius, §14 sq., expressly speaks of a number of church buildings in Alexandria. ↩
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Sabinus has been already mentioned in Bk. VI. chap. 40, §2, from which passage we may gather that he held the same position under Decius which Æmilianus held under Valerian (see note 3 on the chapter referred to). ↩
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We learn from chap. 20, below, that this epistle to Domitius and Didymus was one of Dionysius' regular festal epistles (for there is no ground for assuming that a different epistle is referred to in that chapter). Domitius and Didymus are otherwise unknown personages. Eusebius evidently (as we can see both from this chapter and from chapter 20) supposes this epistle to refer to the persecution, of which Dionysius has been speaking in that portion of his epistle to Germanus quoted in this chapter; namely, to the persecution of Valerian. But he is clearly mistaken in this supposition; for, as we can see from a comparison of §22, below, with Bk. VI. chap. 40, §6 sq., Dionysius is referring in this epistle to the same persecution to which he referred in that chapter; namely, to the persecution of Decius. But the present epistle was written (as we learn from §23) while this same persecution was still going on, and, therefore, some years before the time of Valerian's persecution, and before the writing of the epistle to Germanus (see Bk. VI. chap. 40, note 2), with which Eusebius here associates it. Cf. Valesius' note ad locum and Dittrich's Dionysius der Grosse, p. 40 sq. ↩
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Isa. xlix. 8. ↩
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See above, Bk. VI. chap. 40, note 10. ↩
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See ibid. §6 sq. ↩
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Paraetonium was an important town and harbor on the Mediterranean, about 150 miles west of Alexandria. A day's journey among the ancients commonly denoted about 180 to 200 stadia (22 to 25 miles), so that Dionysius retreat must have lain some 60 to 70 miles from Paraetonium, probably to the south of it. ↩
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On Maximus, see above, note 5. ↩
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Of Dioscorus we know only what is told us here. He is not to be identified with the lad mentioned in Bk. VI. chap. 41, §19 (see note 17 on that chapter). ↩
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Of Demetrius and Lucius we know only what is recorded here. ↩
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Faustinus and Aquila are known to us only from this passage. ↩
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On these three deacons, see above, notes 6-8. ↩
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See below, chap. 32, §5. ↩
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See chap. 28, note 8. ↩
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That is, until the persecution of Diocletian, a.d. 303 sq. ↩
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That is, according to Eusebius, in the time of Valerian, but only the events related in the first part of the chapter took place at that time; those recorded in the epistle to Domitius and Didymus in the time of Decius. See above, note 25. ↩