The first extant notice of Melito, bishop of Sardis, is found in the letter addressed by Polycrates to Bishop Victor of Rome (c. 190-202 a.d.) in support of the Quartodeciman practice of the Asia Minor churches. A fragment of this letter is given by Eusebius in Bk. V. chap. 24, and from it we learn that Melito also favored the Quartodeciman practice, that he was a man whose walk and conversation were altogether under the influence of the Holy Spirit, and that he was buried at Sardis. Polycrates in this fragment calls Melito a eunuch. Whether the word is to be understood in its literal sense or is to be taken as meaning simply that Melito lived in "virgin continence" is disputed. In favor of the latter interpretation may be urged the fact that the Greek word and its Latin equivalent were very commonly used by the Fathers in this figurative sense, e.g. by Athenagoras, by Tertullian, by Clement of Alexandria, by Cassianus (whose work on continence bore the title peri enkrateias, e peri eunouchias), by Jerome, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, Theodoret, Gregory Nazianzen, &c. (see Smith and Wace's Dict. of Christ. Biog., article Melito, and Suicer's Thesaurus). On the other hand, such continence cannot have been a rare thing in Asia Minor in the time of Polycrates, and the fact that Melito is called specifically "the eunuch" looks peculiar if nothing more than that is meant by it. The case of Origen, who made himself a eunuch for the sake of preserving his chastity, at once occurs to us in this connection (see Renan, L'eglise chret. p. 436, and compare Justin Martyr's Apol. I. 29). The canonical rule that no such eunuch could hold clerical office came later, and hence the fact that Melito was a bishop cannot be urged against the literal interpretation of the word here. Polycrates' meaning hardly admits of an absolute decision, but at least it cannot be looked upon as it is by most historians as certain that he uses the word here in its figurative sense. Polycrates says nothing of the fact that Melito was a writer, but we learn from this chapter (§4), and from Bk. VI. chap. 13, that Clement of Alexandria, in a lost work, mentioned his writings and even wrote a work in reply to one of his (see below, note 23). According to the present chapter he was a very prolific writer, and that he was a man of marked talent is clear from Jerome's words in his de vir. ill. chap. 24 (where he refers to Tertullian's lost work, de Ecstasi): Hujus [i.e. Melitonis] elegans et declamatorium ingenium Tertullianus in septem libris, quos scripsit adversus ecclesiam pro Montano, cavillatur, dicens eum a plerisque nostrorum prophetam putari. In spite of the fact that Tertullian satirized Melito's talent, he nevertheless was greatly influenced by his writings and owed much to them (see the points of contact between the two men given by Harnack, p. 250 sqq.). The statement that he was regarded by many as a prophet accords well with Polycrates' description of him referred to above. The indications all point to the fact that Melito was decidedly ascetic in his tendencies, and that he had a great deal in common with the spirit which gave rise to Montanism and even made Tertullian a Montanist, and yet at the same time he opposed Montanism, and is therefore spoken of slightingly by Tertullian. His position, so similar to that of the Montanists, was not in favor with the orthodox theologians of the third century, and this helps to explain why, although he was such a prolific and talented writer, and although he remained orthodox, he nevertheless passed almost entirely out of the memory of the Church of the third and following centuries. To this is to be added the fact that Melito was a chiliast; and the teachings of the Montanists brought such disrepute upon chiliasm that the Fathers of the third and following centuries did not show much fondness for those who held or had held these views. Very few notices of Melito's works are found among the Fathers, and none of those works is to-day extant. Eusebius is the first to give us an idea of the number and variety of his writings, and he does little more than mention the titles, a fact to be explained only by his lack of sympathy with Melito's views. The time at which Melito lived is indicated with sufficient exactness by the fact that he wrote his Apology during the reign of Marcus Aurelius, but after the death of his brother Lucius, i.e. after 169 (see below, note 21); and that when Polycrates wrote his epistle to Victor of Rome, he had been dead already some years. It is possible (as held by Piper, Otto, and others) that his Apology was his last work, for Eusebius mentions it last in his list. At the same time, it is quite as possible that Eusebius enumerates Melito's works simply in the order in which he found them arranged in the library of Caesarea, where he had perhaps seen them. Of the dates of his episcopacy, and of his predecessors and successors in the see of Sardis, we know nothing. In addition to the works mentioned in this chapter by Eusebius, who does not pretend to give a full list, we find in Anastasius Sinaita's Hodegos seu dux viae c. aceph. fragments from two other works entitled eis to p?thos and peri sarkoseos christou (the latter directed against Marcion), which cannot be identified with any mentioned by Eusebius (see Harnack, I. 1, p. 254). The Codex Nitriacus Musei Britannici 12,156 contains four fragments ascribed to Melito, of which the first belongs undoubtedly to his genuine work peri psuches kai somatos, which is mentioned in this chapter by Eusebius. The second purports to be taken from a work, peri staurou, of which we hear nowhere else, and which may or may not have been by Melito. The third fragment bears the title Melitonis episcopi de fide, and might be looked upon as an extract from the work peri pisteos, mentioned by Eusebius (as Otto regards it); but the same fragment is four times ascribed to Irenaeus by other early authorities, and an analysis of these authorities shows that the tradition in favor of Irenaeus is stronger than that in favor of Melito, and so Harnack mentions a work, peri pisteos, which is ascribed by Maximus Confessor to Irenaeus, and from which the quotation may have been taken (see Harnack, ibid. p. 266 ff.). The fourth fragment was taken in all probability from Melito's work, peri p?thous, mentioned by Anastasius. An Apology in Syriac, bearing the name of Melito, is extant in another of the Nitrian mss. in the British Museum (No. 14,658), and has been published with an English translation by Cureton, in his Spic. Syr. (p. 41-51). It has been proved, however, that this Apology (which we have entire) was not written by Melito, but probably by an inhabitant of Syria, in the latter part of the second, or early part of the third century,--whether originally in the Greek or Syriac language is uncertain (see Harnack, p. 261 ff., and Smith and Wace, Vol. III. p. 895). In addition to the genuine writings, there must be mentioned also some spurious works which are still extant. Two Latin works of the early Middle Ages, entitled de transitu Mariae and de passione S. Joannis Evangelistae, and also a Catena of the latter Middle Ages on the Apocalypse, and a Clavis Scripturae of the Carlovingian period (see below, note 18), bear in some mss. the name of Melito. This fact shows that Melito's name was not entirely forgotten in the Occidental Church of the Middle Ages, though little exact knowledge of him seems to have existed. On Melito and his writings, see Piper's article in the Theol. Studien und Kritiken, 1838, p. 54-154; Salmon's article in Smith and Wace, and especially Harnack's Texte und Unters. I. 1, p. 240-278. The extant fragments of Melito's writings are given in Routh's Rel. Sac. I. 111-153, and in Otto's Corp. Apol. IX. 374-478, and an English translation in the Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. VIII. p. 750-762. ↩

On Apolinarius and his writings, see chap. 27. ↩

Marcus Aurelius. ↩

The following list of Melito's works is at many points very uncertain, owing to the various readings of the mss. and versions. We have as authorities for the text, the Greek mss. of Eusebius, the History of Nicephorus, the translation of Rufinus, chap. 24 of Jerome's de vir. ill., and the Syriac version of this passage of Eusebius' History, which has been printed by Cureton, in his Spic. Syr. p. 56 ff. ↩

The quotation from this work given by Eusebius in §7, perhaps enables us to fix approximately the date at which it was written. Rufinus reads Sergius Paulus, instead of Servilius Paulus, which is found in all the Greek mss. Sergius Paulus is known to have had his second consulship in 168, and it is inferred by Waddington that he was proconsul about 164 to 166 (see Fastes des provinces Asiatiques, chap. 2, §148). No Servilius Paulus is known in connection with the province of Asia, and hence it seems probable that Rufinus is correct; and if so, the work on the Passover was written early in the sixties. The fragment which Eusebius gives in this chapter is the only part of his work that is extant. It was undoubtedly in favor of the Quartodeciman practice, for Polycrates, who was a decided Quartodeciman, cites Melito in support of his position. ↩

The exact reading at this point is disputed. I read, with a number of mss. to peri politeias kai propheton, making but one work, On the Conduct of Life and the Prophets. Many mss. followed by Valesius, Heinichen, and Burton, read ta instead of to, thus making either two works (one On the Conduct of Life, and the other On the Prophets), or one work containing more than one book. Rufinus translates de optima conversatione liber unus, sed et de prophetis, and the Syriac repeats the preposition, as if it read kai peri politeias kai peri propheton. It is not quite certain whether Rufinus and the Syriac thought of two works in translating thus, or of only one. Jerome translates, de vita prophetarum librum unum, and in accordance with this translation Otto proposes to read ton propheton instead of kai propheton. But this is supported by no ms. authority, and cannot be accepted. No fragments of this work are extant. ↩

ho peri ekklesias. Jerome, de ecclesia librum unum. ↩

ho peri kuriakes logos. Jerome, de Die Dominica librum unum. ↩

Valesius, Otto, Heinichen, and other editors, following the majority of the mss., read peri phuseos anthropou, On the Nature of Man. Four important mss., however, read peri pisteos anthropou, and this reading is confirmed both by Rufinus and by the Syriac; whether by Jerome also, as claimed by Harnack, is uncertain, for he omits both this work and the one On the Obedience of Faith, given just below, and mentions a de fide librum unum, which does not occur in Eusebius' list, and which may have arisen through mistake from either of the titles given by Eusebius, or, as seems more probable, may have been derived from the title of the work mentioned below, On the Creation and Generation of Christ, as remarked in note 15. If this supposition be correct, Jerome omits all reference to this work peri pisteos anthropou. The text of Jerome is unfortunately very corrupt at this point. In the present passage pisteos is better supported by tradition than phuseos, and at the same time is the more difficult reading, and hence I have adopted it as more probably representing the original. ↩

ho peri pl?seos. Jerome, de plasmate librum unum. ↩

All the Greek mss. combine these two titles into one, reading ho peri hupakoes pisteos aistheterion: "On the subjection (or obedience) of the senses to faith." This reading is adopted by Valesius, Heinichen, Otto, and others; but Nicephorus reads ho peri hupakoes pisteos, kai ho peri aistheterion, and Rufinus translates, de obedientia fidei, de sensibus, both of them making two works, as I have done in the text. Jerome leaves the first part untranslated, and reads only de sensibus, while the Syriac reproduces only the words ho peri hupakoes (or akoes) pisteos, omitting the second clause. Christophorsonus, Stroth, Zimmermann, Burton, and Harnack consequently read ho peri hupakoes pisteos, ho peri aistheterion, concluding that the words ho peri after pisteos have fallen out of the Greek text. I have adopted this reading in my translation. ↩

A serious difficulty arises in connection with this title from the fact that most of the Greek mss. read ho peri psuches kai somatos e noos, while the Syriac, Rufinus, and Jerome omit the e noos entirely. Nicephorus and two of the Greek mss. meanwhile read en en hois, which is evidently simply a corruption of e noos, so that the Greek mss. are unanimous for this reading. Otto, Crusè, and Salmon read kai noos, but there is no authority for kai instead of e, and the change cannot be admitted. The explanation which Otto gives (p. 376) of the change of e to kai will not hold, as Harnack shows on p. 247, note 346. It seems to me certain that the words e noos did not stand in the original, but that the word noos, (either alone or preceded by e or kai) was written upon the margin by some scribe perhaps as an alternative to psuches, perhaps as an addition in the interest of trichotomy, and was later inserted in the text after psuches and somatos, under the impression that it was an alternative title of the book. My reasons for this opinion are the agreement of the versions in the omission of noos, the impossibility of explaining the e before noos in the original text, the fact that in the Greek mss., in Rufinus, and in the Syriac, the words kai peri psuches kai somatos are repeated further down in the list,--a repetition which Harnack thinks was made inadvertently by Eusebius himself, and which in omitting noos confirms the omission of it in the present case,--and finally, a fact which seems to me decisive, but which has apparently hitherto escaped notice, that the noos, follows instead of precedes the somatos, and thus breaks the logical order, which would certainly have been preserved in the title of a book. ↩

ho peri loutrou; Jerome, de baptismate. ↩

Apolinarius (according to chap. 27) also wrote a work On Truth, and the place which it holds in that list, between an apologetical work addressed to the Greeks and one addressed to the Jews, makes it probable that it too bore an apologetic character, being perhaps devoted to showing that Christianity is pre-eminently the truth. Melito's work on the same subject very likely bore a similar character, as suggested by Salmon. ↩

Six mss., with Nicephorus, read ktiseos, "creation," but five mss., with the Syriac and Rufinus, and possibly Jerome, read pisteos. The latter reading therefore has the strongest external testimony in its favor, but must be rejected (with Stroth, Otto, Heinichen, Harnack, etc.) as evidently a dogmatic correction of the fourth century, when there was an objection to the use of the word ktisis in connection with Christ. Rufinus divides the one work On the Creation and Generation of Christ into two,--On Faith and On the Generation of Christ, and his prophecy, connecting the second with the next-mentioned work. Jerome omits the first clause entirely at this point, and translates simply de generatione Christi librum unum. The de fide, however, which he inserts earlier in his list, where there is no corresponding word in the Greek, may be the title which he omits here (see above, note 9), displaced, as the title de sensibus is also displaced. If this be true, he becomes with Rufinus and the Syriac a witness to the reading pisteos instead of ktiseos, and like Rufinus divides the one work of Eusebius into two. ↩

All the Greek mss. read kai logos autou peri propheteias, which can rightly mean only "his work on Prophecy"; but Jerome translates de prophetia sua librum unum, and Rufinus de prophetia ejus, while the Syriac reads as if there stood in the Greek peri logou tes propheteias autou. All three therefore connect the autou with the propheteias instead of with the logos, which of course is much more natural, since the autou with the logos seems quite unnecessary at this point. The translation of the Syriac, Rufinus, and Jerome, however, would require peri propheteias autou or peri tes autou propheteias, and there is no sign that the autou originally stood in such connection with the propheteias. We must, therefore, reject the rendering of these three versions as incorrect. ↩

peri philoxenias. After this title a few of the mss., with Rufinus and the Syriac, add the words kai peri psuches kai somatos, a repetition of a title already given (see above, note 12). ↩

he kleis; Jerome, et alium librum qui Clavis inscribitur. The word is omitted in the Syriac version. The nature of this work we have no means of determining. It is possible that it was a key to the interpretation of the Scriptures, designed to guide the reader in the study especially of the figures of the prophecies (cf. Otto, p. 401) and of the Apocalypse. Piper is right, however, in saying that it cannot have been intended to supply the allegorical meaning of Scripture words, like the extant Latin Clavis of Pseudo-Melito, mentioned just below; for Melito, who like Tertullian taught the corporeality of God, must have been very literal--not allegorical--in his interpretation of Scripture. A Latin work bearing the title Melitonis Clavis Sanctae Scripturae was mentioned by Labbe in 1653 as contained in the library of Clermont College, and after years of search was recovered and published by Pitra in 1855 in his Spicileg. Solesm. Vols. II. and III. He regarded the work as a translation, though with interpolations, of the genuine kleis of Melito, but this hypothesis has been completely disproved (see the article by Steitz in the Studien und Kritiken, 1857, p. 184 sqq.), and the work has been shown to be nothing more than a mediaeval dictionary of allegorical interpolations of Scripture, compiled from the Latin Fathers. There is, therefore, no trace extant of Melito's Key. ↩

All the Greek mss. read kai ta peri tou diabolou, kai tes apokalupseos 'Io?nnou, making but one work, with two or more books, upon the general subject, The Devil and the Apocalypse of John. The Syriac apparently agrees with the Greek in this respect (see Harnack, p. 248, note 350); but Jerome and Rufinus make two works, the latter reading de diabolo librum unum, de Apocalypsi Joannis librum unum. Origen, in Psalm. III. (ed. Lommatzsch, XI. p. 411), says that Melito treated Absalom as a type of the devil warring against the kingdom of Christ. It has been conjectured that the reference may be to this work of Melito's, and that reference is an argument for the supposition that Melito treated the devil and the Apocalypse in one work (cf. Harnack, p. 248, and Smith and Wace, p. 898). ↩

ho peri ensom?tou theou. Jerome does not translate this phrase, but simply gives the Greek. Rufinus renders de deo corpore induto, thus understanding it to refer to the incarnation of God, and the Syriac agrees with this rendering. But as Harnack rightly remarks, we should expect, if this were the author's meaning, the words peri ensomatoseos theou, or rather logou. Moreover, Origen (Selecta in Gen. I. 26; Lommatzsch, VIII. p. 49) enumerates Melito among those who taught the corporeality of God, and says that he had written a work peri tou ensomaton einai ton theon. It is possible, of course, that he may not have seen Melito's work, and that he may have misunderstood its title and have mistaken a work on the incarnation for one on the corporeality of God; but this is not at all likely. Either he had read the book, and knew it to be upon the subject he states, or else he knew from other sources that Melito believed in the corporeality of God, and hence had no doubt that this work was upon that subject. There is no reason in any case for doubting the accuracy of Origen's statement, and for hesitating to conclude that the work mentioned by Eusebius was upon the corporeality of God. The close relationship existing between Melito and Tertullian has already been referred to, and this fact furnishes confirmation for the belief that Melito held God to be corporeal, for we know Tertullian's views on that subject. Gennadius (de eccles. dogmat. chap. 4) classes Melito and Tertullian together, as both teaching a corporeality in the Godhead. What was the source of his statement, and how much dependence is to be put upon it, we cannot say, but it is at least a corroboration of the conclusion already reached. We conclude then that Rufinus and the Syriac were mistaken in their rendering, and that this work discussed the corporeality, not the incarnation, of God. ↩

epi pasi kai to pros 'Antoninon biblidion biblidion (libellus) was the technical name for a petition addressed to the emperor, and does not imply that the work was a brief one, as Piper supposes. The Apology is mentioned also in chap. 13, above, and at the beginning of this chapter. Jerome puts it first in his list, with the words: Melito Asianus, Sardensis episcopus, librum imperatori M. Antonini Vero, qui Frontonis oratoris discipulus fuit, pro christiano dogmate dedit. This Apology is no longer extant, and we have only the fragments which Eusebius gives in this chapter. As remarked in note 1, above, the extant Syriac Apology is not a work of Melito's. The Apology is mentioned in Jerome's version of the Chron., and is assigned to the tenth year of Marcus Aurelius, 120 a.d. The notice is omitted in the Armenian, which, however, assigns to the eleventh year of Marcus Aurelius the Apology of Apolinarius, which is connected with that of Melito in the Ch. Hist. Moreover, a notice of the Apology is given by Syncellus in connection with the tenth year of Marcus Aurelius, and also by the Chron. Pasch.; so that it is not improbable that Eusebius himself mentioned it in his Chron., and that its omission in the Armenian is a mistake (as Harnack thinks likely). But though the notice may thus have been made by Eusebius himself, we are nevertheless not at liberty to accept the date given as conclusive. We learn from the quotations given by Eusebius that the work was addressed to the emperor after the death of Lucius Verus, i.e. after the year 169. Whether before or after the association of Commodus with his father in the imperial power, which took place in 176, is uncertain; but I am inclined to think that the words quoted in §7, below, point to a prospective rather than to a present association of Commodus in the empire, and that therefore the work was written between 169 and 176. It must be admitted, however, that we can say with certainty only that the work was written between 169 and 180. Some would put the work at the beginning of those persecutions which raged in 177, and there is much to be said for this. But the dates of the local and minor persecutions, which were so frequent during this period, are so uncertain that little can be based upon the fact that we know of persecutions in certain parts of the empire in 177. Piper, Otto, and others conclude from the fact that the Apology is mentioned last by Eusebius that it was Melito's latest work; but that, though not at all unlikely, does not necessarily follow (see above, note 1). ↩

A Sagaris, bishop and martyr, and probably the same man, is mentioned by Polycrates in his epistle to Victor (Euseb. V. 24) as buried in Laodicea. This is all we know of him. The date of his martyrdom, and of the composition of the work On the Passover, depends upon the date of the proconsulship of Servilius (or Sergius) Paulus (see above, note 5). The words empesontos kata kairon have unnecessarily caused Salmon considerable trouble. The words kata kairon mean no more than "properly, regularly, according to appointment or rule," and do not render ekeinais tais hemerais superfluous, as he thinks. The clause kai egr?phe tauta ("and these were written") expresses result,--it was in consequence of the passover strife that Melito wrote this work. ↩

This work of Clement's, On the Passover, which he says he wrote on occasion of Melito's work, was clearly written in reply to and therefore against the work of Melito, not as a supplement to it, as Hefele supposes (Conciliengesch. I. 299). The work of Clement (which is mentioned by Eusebius, VI. 13, in his list of Clement's writings) is no longer extant, but some brief fragments of it have been preserved (see Bk. VI. chap. 13, note 8). ↩

This statement of Melito's is a very remarkable one. See chap. 8, note 14. ↩

The resemblance between this extract from Melito's Apology and the fifth chapter of Tertullian's Apology is close enough to be striking, and too close to be accidental. Tertullian's chapter is quite different from this, so far as its arrangement and language are concerned, but the same thought underlies both: That the emperors in general have protected Christianity; only Nero and Domitian, the most wicked of them, have persecuted it; and that Christianity has been a blessing to the reigns of all the better emperors. We cannot doubt that Tertullian was acquainted with Melito's Apology, as well as with others of his works. ↩

euktaios ↩

The reference here seems to be to the common belief that the Christians were responsible for all the evils which at any time happened, such as earthquakes, floods, famines, etc. ↩

aph' hon kai to tes sukophantias alogo sunethei& 139; peri tous toioutous rhuenai sumbebeke pseudos. The sentence is a difficult one and has been interpreted in various ways, but the translation given in the text seems to me best to express the writer's meaning. ↩

engr?phos: i.e. in edicts or rescripts. ↩

This epistle to Fundanus is given in chap. 9, above. Upon its genuineness, see chap. 8, note 14. ↩

On these epistles of Antoninus Pius, see chap. 13, note 9. These ordinances to the Larissaeans, Thessalonians, Athenians, and all the Greeks, are no longer extant. What their character must have been is explained in the note just referred to. ↩

peri touton. ↩

en de tais grapheisais auto eklogais. Jerome speaks of this work as 'Eklogon, libros sex. There are no fragments of it extant except the single one from the preface given here by Eusebius. The nature of the work is clear from the words of Melito himself. It was a collection of testimonies to Christ and to Christianity, drawn from the Old Testament law and prophets. It must, therefore, have resembled closely such works as Cyprian's Testimonia, and the Testimonia of Pseudo-Gregory, and other anti-Jewish works, in which the appeal was made to the Old Testament--the common ground accepted by both parties--for proof of the truth of Christianity. Although the Eclogae of Melito were not anti-Jewish in their design, their character leads us to classify them with the general class of anti-Jewish works whose distinguishing mark is the use of Old Testament prophecy in defense of Christianity (cf. the writer's article on Christian Polemics against the Jews, in the Pres. Review, July, 1888, and also the writer's Dialogue between a Christian and a Jew, entitled 'Antibole Papiskou kai philonos, New York, 1889). On the canon which Melito gives, see Bk. III. chap. 10, note 1. ↩

This Onesimus is an otherwise unknown person. ↩

Some mss., with Rufinus, place Leviticus before Numbers, but the best mss., followed by Heinichen, Burton, and others, give the opposite order. ↩

psalmon Dabid. Literally, "of the Psalms of David" [one book]. ↩

he kai Sophia: i.e. the Book of Proverbs (see above, p. 200). ↩

Literally, "in one book" (ton dodeka en monobiblo). ↩

Esdras: the Greek form of the Hebrew name zr', Ezra. Melito refers here to the canonical Book of Ezra, which, among the Jews, commonly included our Ezra and Nehemiah (see Bk. III. chap. 10, note 1). ↩

ἢ ἕνος: ἢ νοός , ἦν ἐν οἷς et mente lat.,om. M syr. — καὶ ὁ περὶ ἀληθείας.A lat. ; JER., De uiris, xxiv ; καὶ περὶ ἀληθείας; BDM, καὶ ἀληθείας; ERT, « und über die Wahrheit », syr. — πίστεως BDEMHT syr,, lat., κτίσεως A, om. JER. Le texte qu'on lit aujourd'hui dans Eusèbe me paraît être une très ancienne correction d'un titre peu conforme à l'orttiodoxie postérieure; Méliton devait entendre le texte des Proverbes, viii, 22, comme beaucoup de ses contemporains, voy. plus haut, t, ii, 14-15, — λόγος αὐτοῦ προφητείας : De prophetia sua, JEROME, De uiris, xxiv ; d'après le même écrivain, Tertullien se moquait de Méliton, que les catholiques en général, considéraient en général comme un prophète. — καὶ περὶ ψυχῆς καὶ σὼματος; : interpolation due a la répétition du titre donné deux lignes plus haut; omis par saint Jérôme, ib., et par EUT, « nach Conjectur », dit M. Schwartz,  ↩

Σερουίννου Παύλου ABERT, Σερουλλίου Παύλου, M, Σερουίννου Παύλου D, Sergio Paulo Rufus d'après Act. xiii, 7 (qui n'a d'ailleurs pas de rapport avec ces événements] ; en réalité, L. Sergius Paullus, proconsul d'Asie vers 164-166 (WADDINGTON, Fastes des provinces asiatiques de l'Empire romain, Paris, 1872; n° 148). — ἐν βαρβάρους ἤκμασεν : thème d'apologiste ; voy, JUSTIN, Apol., I, v, 518 3 et la note éd. PAUTIGNY), p. xxviii, et l'index, p. 185, v°. — μόνοι πάντων : autre lieu commun d'apologiste ; voy. TERTULLIEN, Apol., ν. — τὰ σύμπαντα διοικοῦντος : le texte de Méliton devait être τὰ πάντα συνδιοικοῦντος, comme le suppose Valois.  ↩

ἣ καὶ Σοφία AT lat. syr. (« was Weisheit »),, ἡ καὶ Β SCHWARTZ, καὶ ἡ EMR. Cette façon de désigner un surnom ou un deuxième nom se rencontre aussi en latin sous la forme qui (quae) et; Rev. de philologie, t. XVI (1892, p. 29. ↩