αὐτῶν mss., αὐτοῦ syr. lat. RUFIN : « Denique et inserit ex eius (c'est-à-dire de Miltiade) dictis suo operi haec uerba », M. Schwartz n'a pas vu que le syriaque avait traduit la même leçon que Rufin. Cela rend encore plus incertaine l'appréciation que nous devons porter sur le rôle de Miltiade. La distribution des divers écrivains de l'époque entre les défenseurs et les adversaires du monianisme est rendue très difficile par l'orthodoxie postérieure qui ne pouvait se résigner à ranger des écrivains zélés et pieux parmi les partisans de la prophétie. - Μιλτιιάδου. Voy. plus haut, III, 4, et LABRIOM-E, l. c, p. 110, n. 1, pour la biblio- 520 graphie do la question. Les mss. et le syr. ont Ἀλκιβιάδου. Rufin a supprimé cette citation. - περὶ τοῦ... « Ce qui peut avoir deux sens : 1° l'extase ne doit à aucun titre être associée à la prophétie ; 2° le prophète ne doit pas parler durant la crise extatique. Cette dernière interprétation est celle de SELWYN, The Christian prophets, Londres, 1900, p. 2 „ (LABRIOLLE, l. c, p. 110, n. 2).  ↩

εἰδή T1 ἤδη BD, γε δή EMR, arm. A. Cf. syr. : .«... nicht den Qvdrtvs, auch nicht einen von den anderen. Nicht also sollen sie sich rühmen darüber, lndem nicht ist ihnen mit ihnen Rechnung (Vernunfl)».  ↩

δεῖξαι mss. ; ... .decipitur eorum confirmatio. Quartum decimum etenim iam paene habet annum... » (RUFIN) ; « aber nich ist ihnen dass sie zeigen. Vierzehn labre nämlich, u. s. w. » (syr.) ;... δεῖξαι.. <Καίτοι> τεσσαρεσκαιδέκατον... (WENDLAND). Le sens est certain mais la correction paraît inutile. - B, κοσμικοὺς ἄρχοντας: les gouverneurs de province, d'après Valois, qui rappelle l'exemple de Tertullien s'adressant à Scapula ; les empereurs, Antonin le Pieux et Marc-Aurèle (147-161), ou Marc-Aurèle et L. Vérus (161-169), plutôt que Marc-Aurèle et Commode (177-180) (JEROME, De uiris, xxxix). Une confusion s'est faite très anciennement entre le titre de cette apologie et celui du discours aux Grecs dans les mss. d'Eusèbe : κοσμικοὺς ἄρχοντας ABD lat (ad principes romani regni, RUFIN), Jér., De uiris, xxxix ; ἕλληνας syr., ἕλληνας κοσμικοὺς ἄρχοντας EMRT. — φιλοσοφίας. Faut-il entendre le mot au sens précis et restreint, comme on l'applique à Justin (HARNACK, Die Chronologie, I, p. 362), ou doit-on y voir le sens général que le mot a pris chez les écrivains chrétiens (cf. BOULENGER, Grégoire de Nazianze, Discours funèbres, p. LVI.)? ↩

This Miltiades is known to us from three sources: from the present chapter, from the Roman work quoted by Eusebius in chap. 28, and from Tertullian (adv. Val. chap. 5). Jerome also mentions him in two places (de vir. ill. 39 and Ep. ad Magnum; Migne's ed. Ep. 70, §3), but it is evident that he derived his knowledge solely from Eusebius. That Miltiades was widely known at the end of the second century is clear from the notices of him by an Asiatic, a Roman, and a Carthaginian writer. The position in which he is mentioned by Tertullian and by the anonymous Roman writer would seem to indicate that he flourished during the reign of Marcus Aurelius. His Apology was addressed to the emperors, as we learn from §5, below, by which might be meant either Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus (161-169), or Marcus Aurelius and Commodus (177-180). Jerome states that he flourished during the reign of Commodus (Floruit autem M. Antonini Commodi temporibus; Vallarsi adds a que after Commodi, thus making him flourish in the times of M. Antoninus and Commodus, but there is no authority for such an addition). It is quite possible that he was still alive in the time of Commodus (though Jerome's statement is of no weight, for it rests upon no independent authority), but he must at any rate have written his Apology before the death of Marcus Aurelius. The only works of Miltiades named by our authorities are the anti-Montanistic work referred to here, and the three mentioned by Eusebius at the close of this chapter (two books Against the Greeks, two books Against the Jews, and an Apology). Tertullian speaks of him as an anti-Gnostic writer, so that it is clear that he must have written another work not mentioned by Eusebius, and it was perhaps that work that won for him the commendation of the anonymous writer quoted in chap. 28, who ranks him with Justin, Tatian, Irenaeus, Melito, and Clement as one who had asserted the divinity of Christ. Eusebius appears to have seen the three works which he mentions at the close of this chapter, but he does not quote from them, and no fragments of any of Miltiades' writings have been preserved to us; he seems indeed to have passed early out of the memory of the Church. A very perplexing question is his relation to Montanism. According to Eusebius, he was the author of an anti-Montanistic work, but this report is beset with serious difficulties. The extract which Eusebius quotes just below as his authority has "Alcibiades," not "Miltiades," according to the unanimous testimony of the mss. and versions. It is very difficult to understand how Miltiades, if it stood originally in the text, could have been changed to Alcibiades. Nevertheless, most editors have thought it necessary to make the change in the present case, and most historians (including even Harnack) accept the alteration, and regard Miltiades as the author of a lost anti-Montanistic work. I confess that, imperative as this charge at first sight seems to be, I am unable to believe that we are justified in making it. I should be inclined to think rather that Eusebius had misread his authority, and that, finding Miltiades referred to in the immediate context (perhaps the Montanist Miltiades mentioned in chap. 16), he had, in a hasty perusal of the work, overlooked the less familiar name Alcibiades, and had confounded Miltiades with the author of the anti-Montanistic work referred to here by our Anonymous. He would then naturally identify him at once with the Miltiades known to him through other works. If we suppose, as Salmon suggests, that Eusebius did not copy his own extracts, but employed a scribe to do that work (as we should expect so busy a man to do), it may well be that he simply marked this extract in regard to the anti-Montanistic work without noticing his blunder, and that the scribe, copying the sentence just as it stood, correctly wrote Alcibiades instead of Miltiades. In confirmation of the supposition that Eusebius was mistaken in making Miltiades the author of an anti-Montanistic work may be urged the fact that Tertullian speaks of Miltiades with respect, and ranks him with the greatest Fathers of the second century. It is true that the term by which he describes him (ecclesiarum sophista) may not (as Harnack maintains) imply as much praise as is given to Proculus in the same connection; nevertheless Tertullian does treat Miltiades with respect, and does accord him a high position among ecclesiastical writers. But it is certainly difficult to suppose that Tertullian can thus have honored a man who was known to have written against Montanism. Still further, it must be noticed that Eusebius himself had not seen Miltiades' anti-Montanistic work; he knew it only from the supposed mention of it in this anonymous work from which he was quoting. Certainly it is not, on the whole, difficult to suppose him mistaken and our mss. and versions correct. I therefore prefer to retain the traditional reading Alcibiades, and have so translated. Of the Alcibiades who wrote the anti-Montanistic treatise referred to, we know nothing. Upon Miltiades, see especially Harnack's Texte und Untersuchungen, I. I, p. 278 sqq., Otto's Corpus Apol. Christ. IX. 364 sqq., and Salmon's article in the Dict. of Christ. Biog. III. 916. ↩

Alkibi?dou, with all the mss. and versions, followed by Valesius (in his text), by Burton, Laemmer, and Crusè; Nicephorus, followed by Valesius in his notes, and by all the other editors, and by the translations of Stroth, Closs, and Stigloher, read Milti?dou. See the previous note. ↩

This was the first work, so far as we know, to denounce the practice of prophesying in ecstasy. The practice, which had doubtless fallen almost wholly into disuse, was brought into decided disrepute on account of the excesses of the Montanists, and the position taken by this Alcibiades became very soon the position of the whole Church (see the previous chapter, note 14). ↩

Of this prophetess Ammia of Philadelphia, we know only what we can gather from this chapter. She would seem to have lived early in the second century, possibly in the latter part of the first, and to have been a prophetess of considerable prominence. That the Montanists had good ground for appealing to her, as well as to the other prophets mentioned as their models, cannot be denied. These early prophets were doubtless in their enthusiasm far more like the Montanistic prophets than like those whom the Church of the latter part of the second century alone wished to recognize. ↩

This Quadratus is to be identified with the Quadratus mentioned in Bk. III. chap. 37, and was evidently a man of prominence in the East. He seems to have been a contemporary of Ammia, or to have belonged at any rate to the succession of the earliest prophets. He is to be distinguished from the bishop of Athens, mentioned in Bk. IV. chap. 23, and also in all probability from the apologist, mentioned in Bk. IV. chap. 3. Cf. Harnack, Texte und Unters. I. I. p. 102 and 104; and see Bk. III. chap. 37, note 1, above. ↩

On Agabus, see Acts xi. 28, xxi. 10. ↩

On Judas, see Acts xv. 22, 27, 32. ↩

On Silas, see Acts xv.-xviii. passim; also 2 Cor. i. 19, 1 Thess. i. 1, 2 Thess. i. 1, and 1 Pet. v. 12, where Silvanus (who is probably the same man) is mentioned. ↩

On the daughters of Philip, see Acts xxi. 9; also Bk. III. chap. 31, note 8, above. ↩

On the date of Maximilla's death, see the previous chapter, note 32. To what utterance of "the apostle" (hoapostolos, which commonly means Paul) our author is referring, I am not able to discover. I can find nothing in his writings, nor indeed in the New Testament, which would seem to have suggested the idea which he here attributes to the apostle. The argument is a little obscure, but the writer apparently means to prove that the Montanists are not a part of the true Church, because the gift of prophecy is a mark of that Church, and the Montanists no longer possess that gift. This seems a strange accusation to bring against the Montanists,--we might expect them to use such an argument against the Catholics. In fact, we know that the accusation is not true, at least not entirely so; for we know that there were Montanistic prophetesses in Tertullian's church in Carthage later than this time, and also that there was still a prophetess at the time Apollonius wrote (see chap. 18, §6), which was some years later than this (see chap. 18, note 3). ↩

peri ta theia logia. These words are used to indicate the Scriptures in Bk. VI. chap. 23, §2, IX. 9. 7, X. 4. 28, and in the Martyrs of Palestine, XI. 2. ↩

?n te hois pros Ellenas sunetaxe logois, kai tois pros 'Ioudaious. Eusebius is the only one to mention these works, and no fragments of either of them are now extant. See above, note 1. ↩

hekatera& 184;dios hupothesei en dusin hupantesas sungr?mmasin ↩

Or, "to the rulers of the world" (pros tous kosmikous archontas.) Valesius supposed these words to refer to the provincial governors, but it is far more natural to refer them to the reigning emperors, both on account of the form of the phrase itself and also because of the fact that it was customary with all the apologists to address their apologies to the emperors themselves. In regard to the particular emperors addressed, see above, note 1. ↩