Edition
Masquer
Ἐκκλησιαστικὴ ἱστορία
ΙΖ Οἵα περὶ τῶν κατ' Αἴγυπτον ἀσκητῶν ὁ Φίλων ἱστορεῖ.
[2.17.1] ὃν καὶ λόγος ἔχει κατὰ Κλαύδιον ἐπὶ τῆς Ῥώμης εἰς ὁμιλίαν ἐλθεῖν Πέτρωι, τοῖς ἐκεῖσε τότε κηρύττοντι. καὶ οὐκ ἀπεικὸς ἂν εἴη τοῦτό γε, ἐπεὶ καὶ ὅ φαμεν αὐτὸ σύγγραμμα, εἰς ὕστερον καὶ μετὰ χρόνους αὐτῶι πεπονημένον, σαφῶς τοὺς εἰς ἔτι νῦν καὶ εἰς ἡμᾶς πεφυλαγμένους τῆς ἐκκλησίας περιέχει κανόνας· [2.17.2] ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν βίον τῶν παρ' ἡμῖν ἀσκητῶν ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα ἀκριβέστατα ἱστορῶν, γένοιτ' ἂν ἔκδηλος οὐκ εἰδὼς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀποδεχόμενος ἐκθειάζων τε καὶ σεμνύνων τοὺς κατ' αὐτὸν ἀποστολικοὺς ἄνδρας, ἐξ Ἑβραίων, ὡς ἔοικε, γεγονότας ταύτηι τε ἰουδαϊκώτερον τῶν παλαιῶν ἔτι τὰ πλεῖστα διατηροῦντας ἐθῶν. [2.17.3] πρῶτόν γέ τοι τὸ μηθὲν πέρα τῆς ἀληθείας οἴκοθεν καὶ ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ προσθήσειν οἷς ἱστορήσειν ἔμελλεν, ἀπισχυρισάμενος ἐν ὧι ἐπέγραψεν λόγωι Περὶ βίου θεωρητικοῦ ἢ ἱκετῶν, θεραπευτὰς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰς σὺν αὐτοῖς γυναῖκας θεραπευτρίδας ἀποκαλεῖσθαί φησιν, τὰς αἰτίας ἐπειπὼν τῆς τοιᾶσδε προσρήσεως, ἤτοι παρὰ τὸ τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν προσιόντων αὐτοῖς τῶν ἀπὸ κακίας παθῶν ἰατρῶν δίκην ἀπαλλάττοντας ἀκεῖσθαι καὶ θεραπεύειν, ἢ τῆς περὶ τὸ θεῖον καθαρᾶς καὶ εἰλικρινοῦς θεραπείας τε καὶ θρηισκείας [2.17.4] ἕνεκα. εἴτ' οὖν ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ ταύτην αὐτοῖς ἐπιτέθειται τὴν προσηγορίαν, οἰκείως ἐπιγράψας τῶι τρόπωι τῶν ἀνδρῶν τοὔνομα, εἴτε καὶ ὄντως τοῦτ' αὐτοὺς ἐκάλουν κατ' ἀρχὰς οἱ πρῶτοι, μηδαμῶς τῆς Χριστιανῶν πω προσρήσεως ἀνὰ πάντα τόπον ἐπιπε[2.17.5]φημισμένης, οὔ τι πω διατείνεσθαι ἀναγκαῖον· ὅμως δ' οὖν ἐν πρώτοις τὴν ἀπόταξιν αὐτοῖς τῆς οὐσίας μαρτυρεῖ, φάσκων ἀρχομένους φιλοσοφεῖν ἐξίστασθαι τοῖς προσήκουσι τῶν ὑπαρχόντων, ἔπειτα πάσαις ἀποταξαμένους ταῖς τοῦ βίου φροντίσιν, ἔξω τειχῶν προελθόντας, ἐν μοναγρίοις καὶ κήποις τὰς διατριβὰς ποιεῖσθαι, τὰς ἐκ τῶν ἀνομοίων ἐπιμιξίας ἀλυσιτελεῖς καὶ βλαβερὰς εὖ εἰδότας, τῶν κατ' ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ τοῦθ', ὡς εἰκός, ἐπιτελούντων, ἐκθύμωι καὶ θερμοτάτηι πίστει τὸν προφητικὸν [2.17.6] ζηλοῦν ἀσκούντων βίον. καὶ γὰρ οὖν κἀν ταῖς ὁμολογουμέναις τῶν ἀποστόλων Πράξεσιν ἐμφέρεται ὅτι δὴ πάντες οἱ τῶν ἀποστόλων γνώριμοι τὰ κτήματα καὶ τὰς ὑπάρξεις διαπιπράσκοντες ἐμέριζον ἅπασιν καθ' ὃ ἄν τις χρείαν εἶχεν, ὡς μηδὲ εἶναί τινα ἐνδεῆ παρ' αὐτοῖς· ὅσοι γοῦν κτήτορες χωρίων ἢ οἰκιῶν ὑπῆρχον, ὡς ὁ λόγος φησίν, πωλοῦντες ἔφερον τὰς τιμὰς τῶν πιπρασκομένων, ἐτίθεσάν τε παρὰ τοὺς πόδας τῶν ἀποστόλων, ὥστε διαδίδοσθαι ἑκάστωι καθ' ὅτι ἄν τις χρείαν εἶχεν. [2.17.7] τὰ παραπλήσια δὲ τούτοις μαρτυρήσας τοῖς δηλουμένοις ὁ Φίλων συλλαβαῖς αὐταῖς ἐπιφέρει λέγων· «πολλαχοῦ μὲν οὖν τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐστὶν τὸ γένος· ἔδει γὰρ ἀγαθοῦ τελείου μετασχεῖν καὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ τὴν βάρβαρον· πλεονάζει δ' ἐν Αἰγύπτωι καθ' ἕκαστον τῶν ἐπικαλουμένων [2.17.8] νομῶν καὶ μάλιστα περὶ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν. οἱ δὲ πανταχόθεν ἄριστοι, καθάπερ εἰς πατρίδα θεραπευτῶν, ἀποικίαν στέλλονται πρός τι χωρίον ἐπιτηδειότατον, ὅπερ ἐστὶν ὑπὲρ λίμνης Μαρείας κείμενον ἐπὶ γεωλόφου χθαμαλωτέρου, σφόδρα εὐκαίρως ἀσφαλείας τε ἕνεκα καὶ ἀέρος εὐκρασίας.» εἶθ' ἑξῆς τὰς οἰκήσεις αὐτῶν ὁποῖαί τινες ἦσαν διαγράψας, περὶ τῶν κατὰ χώραν ἐκκλησιῶν ταῦτά φησιν· [2.17.9] «ἐν ἑκάστηι δὲ οἰκίαι ἐστιν οἴκημα ἱερὸν ὃ καλεῖται σεμνεῖον καὶ μοναστήριον, ἐν ὧι μονούμενοι τὰ τοῦ σεμνοῦ βίου μυστήρια τελοῦνται, μηδὲν εἰσκομίζοντες, μὴ ποτόν, μὴ σιτίον, μηδέ τι τῶν ἄλλων ὅσα πρὸς τὰς τοῦ σώματος χρείας ἀναγκαῖα, ἀλλὰ νόμους καὶ λόγια θεσπισθέντα διὰ προφητῶν καὶ ὕμνους καὶ τἄλλα οἷς ἐπιστήμη καὶ εὐσέβεια συναύξονται καὶ τελειοῦνται». καὶ μεθ' ἕτερά φησιν· [2.17.10] «τὸ δ' ἐξ ἑωθινοῦ μέχρις ἑσπέρας διάστημα σύμπαν αὐτοῖς ἐστιν ἄσκησις. ἐντυγχάνοντες γὰρ τοῖς ἱεροῖς γράμμασιν φιλοσοφοῦσιν τὴν πάτριον φιλοσοφίαν ἀλληγοροῦντες, ἐπειδὴ σύμβολα τὰ τῆς ῥητῆς ἑρμηνείας νομίζουσιν ἀποκεκρυμμένης φύσεως, ἐν ὑπονοίαις δηλουμένης. ἔστι δ' αὐτοῖς καὶ συγγράμ[2.17.11]ματα παλαιῶν ἀνδρῶν, οἳ τῆς αἱρέσεως αὐτῶν ἀρχηγέται γενόμενοι, πολλὰ μνημεῖα τῆς ἐν τοῖς ἀλληγορουμένοις ἰδέας ἀπέλιπον, οἷς καθάπερ τισὶν ἀρχετύποις χρώμενοι μιμοῦνται τῆς προαιρέσεως τὸν τρόπον». [2.17.12] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἔοικεν εἰρῆσθαι τῶι ἀνδρὶ τὰς ἱερὰς ἐξηγουμένων αὐτῶν ἐπακροασαμένωι γραφάς, τάχα δ' εἰκός, ἄ φησιν ἀρχαίων παρ' αὐτοῖς εἶναι συγγράμματα, εὐαγγέλια καὶ τὰς τῶν ἀποστόλων γραφὰς διηγήσεις τέ τινας κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς τῶν πάλαι προφητῶν ἑρμηνευτικάς, ὁποίας ἥ τε πρὸς Ἑβραίους καὶ ἄλλαι πλείους τοῦ Παύλου περιέχουσιν ἐπιστολαί, ταῦτ' [2.17.13] εἶναι. εἶτα πάλιν ἑξῆς περὶ τοῦ νέους αὐτοὺς ποιεῖσθαι ψαλμοὺς οὕτως γράφει. «ὥστ' οὐ θεωροῦσι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ποιοῦσιν ἄισματα καὶ ὕμνους εἰς τὸν θεὸν διὰ παντοίων μέτρων καὶ μελῶν ἀριθμοῖς σεμνοτέροις ἀναγκαίως χαράσσοντες». [2.17.14] πολλὰ μὲν οὖν καὶ ἄλλα περὶ ὧν ὁ λόγος, ἐν ταὐτῶι διέξεισιν, ἐκεῖνα δ' ἀναγκαῖον ἐφάνη δεῖν ἀναλέξασθαι, δι' ὧν τὰ χαρακτη[2.17.15]ριστικὰ τῆς ἐκκλησιαστικῆς ἀγωγῆς ὑποτίθεται. εἰ δέ τωι μὴ δοκεῖ τὰ εἰρημένα ἴδια εἶναι τῆς κατὰ τὸ εὐαγγέλιον πολιτείας, δύνασθαι δὲ καὶ ἄλλοις παρὰ τοὺς δεδηλωμένους ἁρμόττειν, πειθέσθω κἂν ἀπὸ τῶν ἑξῆς αὐτοῦ φωνῶν, ἐν αἷς ἀναμφήριστον, εἰ εὐγνωμονοίη, κομίσεται τὴν περὶ τοῦδε μαρτυρίαν. γράφει γὰρ ὧδε· [2.17.16] «ἐγκράτειαν δ' ὥσπερ τινὰ θεμέλιον προκαταβαλλόμενοι τῆι ψυχῆι, τὰς ἄλλας ἐποικοδομοῦσιν ἀρετάς. σιτίον ἢ ποτὸν οὐδεὶς ἂν αὐτῶν προσενέγκαιτο πρὸ ἡλίου δύσεως, ἐπεὶ τὸ μὲν φιλοσοφεῖν ἄξιον φωτὸς κρίνουσιν εἶναι, σκότους δὲ τὰς τοῦ σώματος ἀνάγκας· ὅθεν τῶι μὲν ἡμέραν, ταῖς δὲ νυκτὸς βραχύ τι μέρος [2.17.17] ἔνειμαν. ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ διὰ τριῶν ἡμερῶν ὑπομιμνήισκονται τροφῆς, οἷς πλείων ὁ πόθος ἐπιστήμης ἐνίδρυται, τινὲς δὲ οὕτως ἐνευφραίνονται καὶ τρυφῶσιν ὑπὸ σοφίας ἑστιώμενοι πλουσίως καὶ ἀφθόνως τὰ δόγματα χορηγούσης, ὡς καὶ πρὸς διπλασίονα χρόνον ἀντέχειν καὶ μόγις δι' ἓξ ἡμερῶν ἀπογεύεσθαι τροφῆς ἀναγκαίας, ἐθισθέντες». ταύτας τοῦ Φίλωνος σαφεῖς καὶ ἀναντιρρήτους περὶ τῶν καθ' [2.17.18] ἡμᾶς ὑπάρχειν ἡγούμεθα λέξεις. εἰ δ' ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀντιλέγων τις ἔτι σκληρύνοιτο, καὶ οὗτος ἀπαλλαττέσθω τῆς δυσπιστίας, ἐναργεστέραις πειθαρχῶν ἀποδείξεσιν, ἃς οὐ παρά τισιν ἢ μόνηι τῆι Χριστιανῶν εὑρεῖν ἔνεστιν κατὰ τὸ εὐαγγέλιον θρηισκείαι. [2.17.19] φησὶν γὰρ τοῖς περὶ ὧν ὁ λόγος καὶ γυναῖκας συνεῖναι, ὧν αἱ πλεῖσται γηραλέαι παρθένοι τυγχάνουσιν, τὴν ἁγνείαν οὐκ ἀνάγκηι, καθάπερ ἔνιαι τῶν παρ' Ἕλλησιν ἱερειῶν, φυλάξασαι μᾶλλον ἢ καθ' ἑκούσιον γνώμην, διὰ ζῆλον καὶ πόθον σοφίας, ἧι συμβιοῦν σπουδάσασαι τῶν περὶ τὸ σῶμα ἡδονῶν ἠλόγησαν, οὐ θνητῶν ἐκγόνων, ἀλλ' ἀθανάτων ὀρεχθεῖσαι, ἃ μόνη τίκτειν [2.17.20] ἀφ' ἑαυτῆς οἷα τέ ἐστιν ἡ θεοφιλὴς ψυχή. εἶθ' ὑποκαταβάς, ἐμφαντικώτερον ἐκτίθεται ταῦτα· «αἱ δ' ἐξηγήσεις τῶν ἱερῶν γραμμάτων γίνονται αὐτοῖς δι' ὑπονοιῶν ἐν ἀλληγορίαις. ἅπασα γὰρ ἡ νομοθεσία δοκεῖ τοῖς ἀνδράσι τούτοις ἐοικέναι ζώιωι καὶ σῶμα μὲν ἔχειν τὰς ῥητὰς διατάξεις, ψυχὴν δὲ τὸν ἐναποκείμενον ταῖς λέξεσιν ἀόρατον νοῦν, ὃν ἤρξατο διαφερόντως ἡ οἰκία αὕτη θεωρεῖν, ὡς διὰ κατόπτρου τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐξαίσια κάλλη νοημάτων ἐμφαινόμενα κατιδοῦσα.» [2.17.21] τί δεῖ τούτοις ἐπιλέγειν τὰς ἐπὶ ταὐτὸν συνόδους καὶ τὰς ἰδίαι μὲν ἀνδρῶν, ἰδίαι δὲ γυναικῶν ἐν ταὐτῶι διατριβὰς καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἔθους ἔτι καὶ νῦν πρὸς ἡμῶν ἐπιτελουμένας ἀσκήσεις, ἃς διαφερόντως κατὰ τὴν τοῦ σωτηρίου πάθους ἑορτὴν ἐν ἀσιτίαις καὶ διανυκτερεύσεσιν προσοχαῖς τε τῶν θείων λόγων ἐκτελεῖν [2.17.22] εἰώθαμεν, ἅπερ ἐπ' ἀκριβέστερον αὐτὸν ὃν καὶ εἰς δεῦρο τετήρηται παρὰ μόνοις ἡμῖν τρόπον ἐπισημηνάμενος ὁ δηλωθεὶς ἀνὴρ τῆι ἰδίαι παρέδωκεν γραφῆι, τὰς τῆς μεγάλης ἑορτῆς παννυχίδας καὶ τὰς ἐν ταύταις ἀσκήσεις τούς τε λέγεσθαι εἰωθότας πρὸς ἡμῶν ὕμνους ἱστορῶν, καὶ ὡς ἑνὸς μετὰ ῥυθμοῦ κοσμίως ἐπιψάλλοντος οἱ λοιποὶ καθ' ἡσυχίαν ἀκροώμενοι τῶν ὕμνων τὰ ἀκροτελεύτια συνεξηχοῦσιν, ὅπως τε κατὰ τὰς δεδηλωμένας ἡμέρας ἐπὶ στιβάδων χαμευνοῦντες οἴνου μὲν τὸ παράπαν, ὡς αὐτοῖς ῥήμασιν ἀνέγραψεν, οὐδ' ἀπογεύονται, ἀλλ' οὐδὲ τῶν ἐναίμων τινός, ὕδωρ δὲ μόνον αὐτοῖς ἐστι ποτόν, καὶ προσόψημα [2.17.23] μετ' ἄρτου ἅλες καὶ ὕσσωπον. πρὸς τούτοις γράφει τὸν τῆς προστασίας τρόπον τῶν τὰς ἐκκλησιαστικὰς λειτουργίας ἐγκεχειρισμένων διακονίας τε καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἀνωτάτω τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς προεδρίας. τούτων δ' ὅτωι πόθος ἔνεστι τῆς ἀκριβοῦς ἐπιστάσεως, μάθοι ἂν ἐκ τῆς δηλωθείσης τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἱστορίας· [2.17.24] ὅτι δὲ τοὺς πρώτους κήρυκας τῆς κατὰ τὸ εὐαγγέλιον διδασκαλίας τά τε ἀρχῆθεν πρὸς τῶν ἀποστόλων ἔθη παραδεδομένα καταλαβὼν ὁ Φίλων ταῦτ' ἔγραφεν, παντί τωι δῆλον.
Traduction
Masquer
The Church History of Eusebius
Chapter XVII.--Philo's Account of the Ascetics of Egypt.
1. It is also said that Philo in the reign of Claudius became acquainted at Rome with Peter, who was then preaching there. 1 Nor is this indeed improbable, for the work of which we have spoken, and which was composed by him some years later, clearly contains those rules of the Church which are even to this day observed among us.
2. And since he describes as accurately as possible the life of our ascetics, it is clear that he not only knew, but that he also approved, while he venerated and extolled, the apostolic men of his time, who were as it seems of the Hebrew race, and hence observed, after the manner of the Jews, the most of the customs of the ancients.
3. In the work to which he gave the title, On a Contemplative Life or on Suppliants, 2 after affirming in the first place that he will add to those things which he is about to relate nothing contrary to truth or of his own invention, 3 he says that these men were called Therapeutae and the women that were with them Therapeutrides. 4 He then adds the reasons for such a name, explaining it from the fact that they applied remedies and healed the souls of those who came to them, by relieving them like physicians, of evil passions, or from the fact that they served and worshiped the Deity in purity and sincerity.
4. Whether Philo himself gave them this name, employing an epithet well suited to their mode of life, or whether the first of them really called themselves so in the beginning, since the name of Christians was not yet everywhere known, we need not discuss here.
5. He bears witness, however, that first of all they renounce their property. When they begin the philosophical 5 mode of life, he says, they give up their goods to their relatives, and then, renouncing all the cares of life, they go forth beyond the walls and dwell in lonely fields and gardens, knowing well that intercourse with people of a different character is unprofitable and harmful. They did this at that time, as seems probable, under the influence of a spirited and ardent faith, practicing in emulation the prophets' mode of life.
6. For in the Acts of the Apostles, a work universally acknowledged as authentic, 6 it is recorded that all the companions of the apostles sold their possessions and their property and distributed to all according to the necessity of each one, so that no one among them was in want. "For as many as were possessors of lands or houses," as the account says, "sold them and brought the prices of the things that were sold, and laid them at the apostles' feet, so that distribution was made unto every man according as he had need." 7
7. Philo bears witness to facts very much like those here described and then adds the following account: 8 "Everywhere in the world is this race 9 found. For it was fitting that both Greek 10 and Barbarian should share in what is perfectly good. But the race particularly abounds in Egypt, in each of its so-called nomes, 11 and especially about Alexandria.
8. The best men from every quarter emigrate, as if to a colony of the Therapeutae's fatherland, 12 to a certain very suitable spot which lies above the lake Maria 13 upon a low hill excellently situated on account of its security and the mildness of the atmosphere."
9. And then a little further on, after describing the kind of houses which they had, he speaks as follows concerning their churches, which were scattered about here and there: 14 "In each house there is a sacred apartment which is called a sanctuary and monastery, 15 where, quite alone, they perform the mysteries of the religious life. They bring nothing into it, neither drink nor food, nor any of the other things which contribute to the necessities of the body, but only the laws, and the inspired oracles of the prophets, and hymns and such other things as augment and make perfect their knowledge and piety."
10. And after some other matters he says: 16
"The whole interval, from morning to evening, is for them a time of exercise. For they read the holy Scriptures, and explain the philosophy of their fathers in an allegorical manner, regarding the written words as symbols of hidden truth which is communicated in obscure figures.
11. They have also writings of ancient men, who were the founders of their sect, and who left many monuments of the allegorical method. These they use as models, and imitate their principles."
12. These things seem to have been stated by a man who had heard them expounding their sacred writings. But it is highly probable that the works of the ancients, which he says they had, were the Gospels and the writings of the apostles, and probably some expositions of the ancient prophets, such as are contained in the Epistle to the Hebrews, and in many others of Paul's Epistles.
13. Then again he writes as follows concerning the new psalms which they composed: 17 "So that they not only spend their time in meditation, but they also compose songs and hymns to God in every variety of metre and melody, though they divide them, of course, into measures of more than common solemnity."
14. The same book contains an account of many other things, but it seemed necessary to select those facts which exhibit the characteristics of the ecclesiastical mode of life.
15. But if any one thinks that what has been said is not peculiar to the Gospel polity, but that it can be applied to others besides those mentioned, let him be convinced by the subsequent words of the same author, in which, if he is unprejudiced, he will find undisputed testimony on this subject. Philo's words are as follows: 18
16. "Having laid down temperance as a sort of foundation in the soul, they build upon it the other virtues. None of them may take food or drink before sunset, since they regard philosophizing as a work worthy of the light, but attention to the wants of the body as proper only in the darkness, and therefore assign the day to the former, but to the latter a small portion of the night.
17. But some, in whom a great desire for knowledge dwells, forget to take food for three days; and some are so delighted and feast so luxuriously upon wisdom, which furnishes doctrines richly and without stint, that they abstain even twice as long as this, and are accustomed, after six days, scarcely to take necessary food." These statements of Philo we regard as referring clearly and indisputably to those of our communion.
18. But if after these things any one still obstinately persists in denying the reference, let him renounce his incredulity and be convinced by yet more striking examples, which are to be found nowhere else than in the evangelical religion of the Christians. 19
19. For they say that there were women also with those of whom we are speaking, and that the most of them were aged virgins 20 who had preserved their chastity, not out of necessity, as some of the priestesses among the Greeks, 21 but rather by their own choice, through zeal and a desire for wisdom. And that in their earnest desire to live with it as their companion they paid no attention to the pleasures of the body, seeking not mortal but immortal progeny, which only the pious soul is able to bear of itself.
20. Then after a little he adds still more emphatically: 22 "They expound the Sacred Scriptures figuratively by means of allegories. For the whole law seems to these men to resemble a living organism, of which the spoken words constitute the body, while the hidden sense stored up within the words constitutes the soul. This hidden meaning has first been particularly studied by this sect, which sees, revealed as in a mirror of names, the surpassing beauties of the thoughts."
21. Why is it necessary to add to these things their meetings and the respective occupations of the men and of the women during those meetings, and the practices which are even to the present day habitually observed by us, especially such as we are accustomed to observe at the feast of the Saviour's passion, with fasting and night watching and study of the divine Word.
22. These things the above-mentioned author has related in his own work, indicating a mode of life which has been preserved to the present time by us alone, recording especially the vigils kept in connection with the great festival, and the exercises performed during those vigils, and the hymns customarily recited by us, and describing how, while one sings regularly in time, the others listen in silence, and join in chanting only the close of the hymns; and how, on the days referred to they sleep on the ground on beds of straw, and to use his own words, 23 "taste no wine at all, nor any flesh, but water is their only drink, and the reish with their bread is salt and hyssop."
23. In addition to this Philo describes the order of dignities which exists among those who carry on the services of the church, mentioning the diaconate, and the office of bishop, which takes the precedence over all the others. 24 But whosoever desires a more accurate knowledge of these matters may get it from the history already cited.
24. But that Philo, when he wrote these things, had in view the first heralds of the Gospel and the customs handed down from the beginning by the apostles, is clear to every one.
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This tradition that Philo met Peter in Rome and formed an acquaintance with him is repeated by Jerome (de vir ill. 11), and by Photius (Cod. 105), who even goes further, and says directly that Philo became a Christian. The tradition, however, must be regarded as quite worthless. It is absolutely certain from Philo's own works, and from the otherwise numerous traditions of antiquity that he never was a Christian, and aside from the report of Eusebius (for Jerome and Photius do not represent an independent tradition) there exists no hint of such a meeting between Peter and Philo; and when we realize that Philo was already an old man in the time of Caius (see above, chap. 4, note 8), and that Peter certainly did not reach Rome before the later years of Nero's reign, we may say that such a meeting as Eusebius records (only upon tradition, logos ?chei) is certainly not historical. Where Eusebius got the tradition we do not know. It may have been manufactured in the interest of the Philonic authorship of the De vita contemplativa, or it may have been a natural outgrowth of the ascription of that work to him, some such explanation suggesting itself to the reader of that work as necessary to explain Philo's supposed praise of Christian monks. Philo's visit to Rome during the reign of Caligula being a well-known historic fact, and Peter's visit to Rome during the reign of Claudius being assumed as likewise historic (see above, chap. 14, note 8), it was not difficult to suppose a meeting between them (the great Christian apostle and the great Jewish philosopher), and to invent for the purpose a second visit of Philo to Rome. It seems probable that the ascription of the work De vita contemplativa to Philo came before the tradition of his acquaintance with Peter in Rome (which is first mentioned by Eusebius); but in any case the two were mutually corroborative. ↩
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peri biou theoretikou e hiketon; De Vita Contemplativa. This work is still extant, and is given by Mangey, II. 471-486. Eusebius is the first writer to mention it, and he identifies the Therapeutae described in it with the Christian monks, and assumes in consequence that monasticism in the form in which he knew it existed in the apostolic age, and was known and praised by Philo. This opinion was generally adopted by the Fathers (with the single exception of Photius, Cod. 105, who looked upon the Therapeutae as a Jewish sect) and prevailed unquestioned until the Reformation, when in the Protestant reaction against monasticism it was denied that monks existed in the apostolic age, and that the Therapeutae were Christians at all. Various opinions as to their identity have been held since that time, the commonest being that they were a Jewish sect or school, parallel with the Palestinian Essenes, or that they were an outgrowth of Alexandrian Neo-Pythagoreanism. The former opinion may be said to have been the prevailing one among Christian scholars until Lucius, in his work entitled Die Therapeuten und ihre Stellung in der Gesch. der Askese (Strassburg, 1879), proved (what had been asserted already by Grätz and Jost) that the Therapeutae are really to be identified with Christian monks, and that the work De Vita Contemplativa is not a genuine work of Philo's. If the former proposition is proved, the latter follows of necessity, for it is absolutely impossible to suppose that monasticism can have existed in so developed a form (or indeed in any form) in the time of Philo. On the other hand it may be proved that the work is not Philonic, and yet it may not follow that the Therapeutae are to be identified with Christian monks. And so some scholars reject the Philonic authorship while still maintaining the Jewish character of the Therapeutae (e.g. Nicolas, Kuenen, and Weingarten; see Schürer, Gesch. der Juden im Zeitalter Jesu Christi, p. 863). In the opinion of the writer, who agrees therein with the great majority of scholars, Lucius has conclusively demonstrated both his propositions, and has shown that the work De Vita Contemplativa is the production of some Christian of the latter part of the third century, who aimed to produce an apology for and a panegyric of monasticism as it existed in his day, and thus to secure for it wider recognition and acceptance. Lucius concludes with the following words: "Wir haben es demnach in D.V.C. mit einer Tendenzschrift zu thun, welche, da sie eine weit ausgebildete und in zahlreichen Ländern verbreitete Askese, so wie Zustände voraussetzt, genau wie dieselben nur im Christenthum des dritten Jahrhunderts vorhanden waren, kaum anders aufgefasst werden kann, als eine, etwa am Ende des dritten Jahrhunderts, unter dem Namen Philo's, zu Gunsten der Christlichen Askese, verfasste Apologie, als erstes Glied eines an derartigen Producte überaus reichen Litteratur-zweige der alten Kirche." Compare with Lucius' work the reviews of it by Hilgenfeld in the Zeitschrift für wiss. Theol., 1880, pp. 423-440, and by Schürer in the Theologische Literaturzeitung, 1880, No. 5. The latter especially has added some important considerations with reference to the reasons for the composition of this work under the name of Philo. Assuming then the correctness of Lucius' conclusions, we see that Eusebius was quite right in identifying the Therapeutae with the Christian monks as he knew them in his day, but that he was quite wrong in accepting the Philonic authorship of the work in question, and in concluding that the institution of monasticism as he knew it existed already in the apostolic age (compare note 19, below). ↩
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It may fairly be doubted whether the work does not really contain considerable that is not in strict accordance with the facts observed by the author, whether his account is not to an extent idealized, and whether, in his endeavor to emphasize the Jewish character of the Therapeutae, with the design of establishing the antiquity of monasticism (compare the review of Schürer referred to above), he has not allowed himself to introduce some imaginative elements. The strong asseveration which he makes of the truthfulness of his account would rather increase than allay this suspicion, and the account itself at certain points seems to bear it out. On the whole, however, it may be regarded as a reasonably accurate sketch. Were it not such, Eusebius would not have accepted it, so unreservedly as he does, as an account of Christian monks. Lucius' exhibition of the points of similarity between the practices of the Therapeutae, as described here, and of early Christian monks, as known from other sources, is very interesting (see p. 158 sq.). ↩
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therapeutai and therapeutrides, "worshipers" or "physicians"; from therapeuo, which means either to do service to the gods, or to tend the sick. ↩
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See Bk. VI. chap. 3, note 9. ↩
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See Bk. III. chap. 4, note 14. ↩
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Acts ii. 45. ↩
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De Vita Contemplativa, §3. ↩
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Namely, the Therapeutae. ↩
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Heinichen omits, without explanation, the words kai ten Ellada, which are found in all the other editions that I have examined. Inasmuch as Heinichen gives no hint of an alternate reading at this point, I can conclude only that the words were accidentally omitted by him. ↩
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Egypt, exclusive of the cities Alexandria and Ptolemais, was divided into land districts, originally 36 in number, which were called nomoi (see Mommsen's Provinces of the Roman Empire, Scribner's ed. I. p. 255 sq.). ↩
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patrida. This word, as Schürer points out (Theol. Literaturzeitung, 1880, no. 5), is not a noun, as it is commonly regarded (and hence translated "fatherland"), but an adjective (and hence to be translated "eine vaterländische Colonie," "a colony of the fatherland"); the oikoumene, mentioned in the previous paragraph, being the fatherland of the Therapeutae. ↩
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huper limnes Marias. In Strabo the name is given as he Mareotis or Mareia limne. The Lake Mareotis (as it is most commonly called) lies in the northern part of the Delta, just south of Alexandria. It was in ancient times much more of a lake than it is now, and the description of the climate as given here is quite accurate. ↩
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Ibid. ↩
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semneion kai monasterion ↩
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Ibid. ↩
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Ibid. ↩
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Ibid.§4. ↩
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See Ibid. §8. ↩
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How Eusebius, who knew that Philo lived and wrote during the reign of Claudius, could have overlooked the fact that Christianity had not at that time been long enough established to admit of virgins growing old within the Church, is almost inexplicable. It is but another example of his carelessness in regard to chronology which comes out so often in his history. Compare Stroth's words: "In der That ein wichtiger Beweis, der gerade der irrigen Meinung des Eusebius am meisten entgegen ist. Denn sie hätten alt zum Christenthum kommen müssen, sonst konnten sie ja zu Philo's Zeiten unmöglich im Christenthum alt geworden sein, dessen Schrift Eusebius selbst in die Regierung des Claudius setzt. Es ist beinahe unbegreiflich, wie ein so guter Kopf, wie Eusebius ist, in so grobe Irrthümer fallen konnte." ↩
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For a description of the religious cults among the Greeks and Romans, that demanded virginity in their priests or priestesses, see Döllinger's Heidenthum und Judenthum, p. 182 and 521 sq. ↩
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De Vita Contemplativa, §10. ↩
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Ibid.§9. ↩
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Ibid.§§8-10. The author of the D. V. C. mentions young men that serve at table (diakonountes) and a president (proedros) who leads in the exposition of the Scriptures. Eusebius is quite right in finding in these persons deacons and bishops. The similarity is too close to be merely accidental, and the comment of Stroth upon this passage is quite unwarranted: "Was einer doch alles in einer Stelle finden kann, wenn er es darin finden will! Philo sagt, dass bei ihren gemeinschaftlichen Gastmählern einige bei Tische dienten (diakonountes), hieraus macht Eusebius Diakonate; und dass bei ihren Untersuchungen über die Bibel einer (proedros) den Vorsitz habe; hieraus macht Eusebius die bischöfliche würde (episkopes proedrian)." ↩