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Kirchengeschichte (BKV)
15. Kap. Polykarp stirbt mit anderen unter Verus in Smyrna den Martertod.
Unter Mark Aurel fand Polykarp während der in Asien wütenden heftigen Verfolgungen den Martertod. Ich erachte es für sehr notwendig, sein Lebensende, dessen schriftliche Aufzeichnung noch vorhanden ist, in unserer Geschichte der Nachwelt zu überliefern. Es ist dies das Schreiben, welches im Namen der Kirche, die von Polykarp geleitet worden war, an die Gemeinden der verschiedenen Gegenden sein Schicksal also mitteilt:1 „Die Kirche Gottes zu Smyrna an die Kirche Gottes in Philomelium und an alle Gemeinden der heiligen katholischen Kirche auf der ganzen Welt: möge sich die Barmherzigkeit, der Friede und die Liebe Gottes des Vaters und unseres Herrn Jesus Christus mehren! Wir berichten euch, Brüder, das Schicksal der Märtyrer und des seligen Polykarp, welcher durch seinen Martertod die Verfolgung gewissermaßen besiegelt und beendet hat.“ Sodann erzählen sie,2 noch ehe sie über Polykarp berichten, die Schicksale der anderen Märtyrer und beschreiben ihre Standhaftigkeit in Ertragung S. 175 von Leiden. Nach ihrem Berichte erschraken die Umstehenden, als sie sahen, wie die einen von ihnen mit Geißeln bis auf die verborgensten Adern und Blutgefäße derart zerfleischt wurden, daß man selbst den innersten Bau des Körpers sehen konnte, und wie andere auf Muscheln und spitzige Pfähle gelegt wurden und wie sie nach allen möglichen Qualen und Martern schließlich wilden Tieren zur Nahrung vorgeworfen wurden. Ganz besonders — so erzählen sie — zeichnete sich der edle Germanikus aus, indem er mit der göttlichen Gnade die angeborene Furcht vor dem Tode überwand. Als ihn der Prokonsul zu überreden suchte, auf sein Alter hinwies und ihm eindringlich vorhielt, daß er mit Rücksicht auf seine Jugend und auf die Blüte seiner Jahre mit sich selber Mitleid haben solle, zögerte er nicht, sondern riß das wilde Tier gierig an sich und zwang und reizte es geradezu, um von ihrer ungerechten, frevelhaften Gesellschaft um so schneller loszukommen. Anläßlich des glorreichen Todes dieses Mannes entsetzte sich die ganze Masse über den gottgeliebten Zeugen der Standhaftigkeit und über den Heldenmut des ganzen Christengeschlechtes, und einstimmig begann sie zu schreien: „Fort mit den Gottlosen! Auf zur Suche nach Polykarp!“ Als mit diesem Geschrei der Tumult sehr groß geworden war, wurde ein Phrygier, namens Quintus, der erst vor kurzem aus Phrygien angekommen war, beim Anblick der wilden Tiere und der übrigen Gefahren kleinmütig und ängstlich und gab schließlich sein Heil preis. Wie das erwähnte Schreiben mitteilt, war er sehr voreilig und ohne gründliche Überlegung mit den anderen vor den Richterstuhl getreten, und wurde er nach seiner Gefangennahme allen ein sprechendes Beispiel dafür, daß man sich nicht tollkühn und ohne Überlegung in solche Gefahren begeben dürfe. So war das Ende der einen. Der bewundernswerte Polykarp aber ließ sich bei der ersten Schreckensnachricht nicht aus der Fassung bringen, bewahrte seine uner- S. 176 schütterliche Ruhe und wollte in der Stadt bleiben. Doch gab er dem Drängen seiner Umgebung, die ihn aufforderte, fortzugehen, nach und ging auf ein in der Nähe der Stadt gelegenes Landgut, wo er sich mit einigen aufhielt, um Tag und Nacht einzig und allein zum Herrn zu flehen und so, wie er es immer zu tun pflegte, für die Kirchen des ganzen Erdkreises dringend den Frieden zu erbitten. Drei Tage vor seiner Gefangennahme hatte er während des Betens bei Nacht ein Gesicht und sah, wie sein Kopfkissen plötzlich von Feuer ergriffen wurde und verbrannte. Als er wieder zu sich kam, legte er sofort den Anwesenden die Erscheinung aus, sagte ihnen geradezu die Zukunft voraus und erklärte seiner Umgebung offen, daß er um Christi willen des Feuertodes sterben müsse. Da seine Späher sehr eifrig bei der Arbeit waren, soll er mit Rücksicht auf die liebevolle Sorge seiner Brüder noch einmal den Aufenthaltsort gewechselt haben und auf ein anderes Landgut gegangen sein. Doch gar bald kamen seine Verfolger dahin. Sie ergriffen zwei der dortigen Diener und zwangen einen derselben durch Mißhandlung, das Versteck des Polykarp zu verraten. Da es schon spät war, als sie ankamen, fanden sie ihn im oberen Stockwerk ruhend. Er hätte von da in ein anderes Haus fliehen können, doch wollte er es nicht tun, sondern sprach: „Der Wille Gottes geschehe!“ Das Schreiben berichtet, er sei, als er von ihrer Anwesenheit erfuhr, hinuntergegangen und habe so freundlich und so liebenswürdig mit ihnen gesprochen, daß die, welche ihn nicht schon vorher gekannt hatten, glaubten, eine wunderbare Erscheinung zu sehen; erstaunt waren sie über sein hohes Alter und über die Würde und Gelassenheit seines Benehmens und darüber, daß man solche Mühe aufwenden konnte, einen so alten Mann gefangenzunehmen. Ohne Zögern ließ Polykarp sofort für sie den Tisch decken, forderte sie dann auf, von der reichlich vorgesetzten Speise zu nehmen, und erbat von ihnen eine Stunde Frist, S. 177 damit er in Ruhe beten könne. Da ihm die Bitte gewährt wurde, stand er auf und betete voll der Gnade des Herrn in einer Weise, daß die Anwesenden erschüttert wurden, als sie ihn beten hörten, und daß viele von ihnen Reueschmerz empfanden bei dem Gedanken, daß sie einen so ehrwürdigen Greis zum Tode führen wollten. Das ihn betreffende Schreiben erzählt sodann den weiteren Verlauf seiner Geschichte wörtlich also:3 „Endlich schloß er sein Gebet, in welchem er aller gedachte, die ihm jemals begegnet waren, kleiner und großer, berühmter und unberühmter Leute und der ganzen katholischen Kirche auf dem Erdkreise. Als nun die Stunde gekommen war, aufzubrechen, setzte man ihn auf einen Esel und brachte ihn in die Stadt; es war an einem großen Sabbate.4 Da kamen ihm der Irenarch5 Herodes und dessen Vater Niketes entgegen. Sie nahmen ihn zu sich auf den Wagen und suchten ihn, während sie neben ihm saßen, zu überreden mit den Worten: ‚Was ist es denn Schlimmes, Herr6 Kaiser zu sagen, zu opfern und sich das Leben zu retten?’ Polykarp gab ihnen zunächst keine Antwort; als sie ihm aber keine Ruhe ließen, erklärte er: ,Ich bin nicht gewillt, das zu tun, was ihr mir ratet.’ Da es ihnen nicht S. 178 gelang, ihn zu überreden, beschimpften sie ihn und stießen ihn mit solcher Gewalt, daß er sich beim Absteigen vom Wagen das Schienbein verletzte. Doch er achtete nicht darauf, ging, wie wenn ihm nichts zugestoßen wäre, wohlgemut und eilends weiter und wurde in die Rennbahn geführt. Als Polykarp in die Rennbahn eintrat, erscholl vom Himmel eine Stimme: ,Mut, Polykarp, sei ein Mann!’ Infolge des großen Lärmes in der Rennbahn wurde aber die Stimme von der Menge gar nicht gehört. Niemand sah den, der die Worte sprach, aber viele von den Unsrigen vernahmen die Stimme. Als man erfuhr, Polykarp sei verhaftet, entstand großer Lärm bei seiner Vorführung. Der Prokonsul, vor den er trat, fragte ihn nun, ob er Polykarp sei. Er bejahte es, worauf jener ihm nahelegte, er solle (seinen Glauben) verleugnen, ihn aufforderte: ‚Nimm Rücksicht auf dein hohes Alter!’ und an ihn noch die anderen üblichen Worte richtete: ‚Schwöre beim Glücke des Kaisers, ändere deine Gesinnung, sprich: Fort mit den Gottlosen!’ Mit ernstem Blicke sah Polykarp auf die ganze Versammlung in der Rennbahn, streckte seine Hand aus, seufzte, schaute zum Himmel und rief: ,Fort mit den Gottlosen!’ Als der Prokonsul weiter in ihn drang mit den Worten: ,Schwöre, und ich werde dich freilassen! Lästere deinen Christus!’ antwortete Polykarp: ‚Schon 86 Jahre diene ich ihm, und er hat mir kein Leid getan. Wie kann ich meinen König, der mich erlöst hat, lästern?’ Als ihm aber der Prokonsul wieder keine Ruhe ließ und ihn aufforderte: ‚Schwöre beim Glücke des Kaisers!’ entgegnete Polykarp: ,Wenn du dir mit dem Gedanken schmeichelst, ich würde, um deine Worte zu gebrauchen, beim Glücke des Kaisers schwören, und dich stellst, als wüßtest du nicht, wer ich bin, dann vernimm das offene Bekenntnis: Ich bin Christ. Willst du die christliche Lehre kennenlernen, dann bestimme einen Termin zur Aussprache!’ Der Prokonsul gab ihm zur Antwort: ,Das Volk magst du überzeugen.’ S. 179 Polykarp wandte ein: ,Dich hätte ich einer Belehrung gewürdigt; denn man hat uns gelehrt,7 den von Gott aufgestellten Fürsten und Beamten die gebührende Ehre zu erweisen, soferne solche Ehrung uns keinen Schaden bringt. Jene aber halte ich nicht für würdig, mich ihnen gegenüber zu verteidigen.’ Da erklärte der Prokonsul: ,Wilde Tiere stehen mir zur Verfügung. Ihnen werde ich dich vorwerfen lassen, wenn du nicht nachgibst.’ Polykarp bemerkte: ,Lasse sie kommen! Denn unmöglich ist es uns, uns vom Besseren zum Schlimmeren zu bekehren. Gut aber ist es, sich vom Schlimmen weg zur Gerechtigkeit hinzuwenden.’ Der Prokonsul: ‚Wenn du dir aus den wilden Tieren nichts machst und hartnäckig bleibst, lasse ich dich vom Feuer verzehren.’ Polykarp: ,Du drohst mir mit einem Feuer, das nur einige Zeit brennt und bald wieder erlischt. Nicht kennst du das Feuer des kommenden Gerichtes und der ewigen Strafe, das den Gottlosen bestimmt ist. Doch warum zögerst du? Hole herbei, was du willst!’ Während Polykarp diese und noch mehrere andere Worte sprach, war er von Mut und Freude erfüllt, und sein Angesicht strahlte von Anmut, so daß er nicht nur nicht bei den Worten, die man an ihn richtete, bestürzt zusammenbrach, sondern daß vielmehr der Prokonsul voll Schrecken seinen Herold ausschickte, dreimal mitten in der Rennbahn zu verkünden: Polykarp hat sich als Christ bekannt. Bei diesen Worten des Herolds schrie die ganze Menge der in Smyrna wohnenden Heiden und Juden mit unverhohlener Wut und mit lauter Stimme: ‚Dieser ist der Lehrer Asiens, der Vater der Christen, der Vernichter unserer Götter, der viele vom Opfer und Gebet abhält!’ So schrie die Masse und verlangte lärmend vom Asiarchen8 Philippus, er solle auf Polykarp S. 180 einen Löwen loslassen. Dieser aber erklärte, es sei ihm nicht gestattet, da die Tierhetzen bereits beendet seien. Da beschlossen sie, einstimmig zu rufen, Polykarp solle lebendig verbrannt werden. Es mußte sich das Gesicht bezüglich des Kopfkissens bewahrheiten; er hatte nämlich, als er während des Gebetes dasselbe brennen sah, zu den Gläubigen, welche bei ihm waren, die prophetischen Worte gesprochen: ‚Ich muß lebendig verbrannt werden.’ Gesagt, getan: eilends holt die Menge aus den Werkstätten und Bädern Holz und Reisig zusammen, wobei die Juden ihrer Gewohnheit gemäß bereitwillig die größten Dienste leisteten.9 Als der Holzstoß errichtet war, legte Polykarp alle seine Oberkleider ab und löste seinen Gürtel, sodann suchte er auch seine Schuhe auszuziehen. Sonst brauchte er dies nicht zu tun, da stets alle Gläubigen gewetteifert hatten, zuerst seinen Leib berühren zu dürfen; denn schon vor seinem Martyrium wurde er wegen seines tugendhaften Wandels auf jegliche Weise ausgezeichnet. Das für den Scheiterhaufen hergerichtete Material wurde sofort um ihn herum gelegt. Als man ihn auch annageln wollte, erklärte er: ‚Lasset mich so! Denn der, welcher mich für das Feuer bestimmt hat, wird mir auch die Gnade geben, ohne Sicherung durch Annagelung unbeweglich auf dem Scheiterhaufen stehen zu bleiben.’ Sie nagelten ihn daher nicht an, doch banden sie ihn fest. Er aber, die Hände am Rücken und festgemacht gleich einem herrlichen Widder, der aus einer großen Herde zu einem für den allmächtigen Gott angenehmen Opfer auserlesen wurde, sprach das Gebet: ‚O Vater deines geliebten und gepriesenen Sohnes Jesus Christus, der uns deine Erkenntnis vermittelt hat, o Gott der Engel und Mächte und aller Schöpfung und des ganzen Geschlechtes der Ge- S. 181 rechten, die dich vor Augen haben, ich preise dich, daß du mich dieses Tages und dieser Stunde gewürdigt hast, so daß ich unter der Schar der Märtyrer teilnehme an dem Kelche deines Christus, um seelisch und körperlich in der Unvergänglichkeit des Geistes zu ewigem Leben aufzuerstehen. Möchte ich unter die Zahl der Märtyrer heute vor dir aufgenommen werden als fettes, wohlgefälliges Opfer! Denn du, untrüglicher, wahrhaftiger Gott, hast dieses Opfer vorherverkündet und erfüllt, du hast es zubereitet. Deshalb für alles bringe ich dir Lob, Dank und Verherrlichung durch den ewigen Hohenpriester Jesus Christus, deinen geliebten Sohn, durch welchen dir mit ihm selbst im Heiligen Geiste die Ehre sei jetzt und in alle Ewigkeit. Amen!’10 Nachdem Polykarp das Amen ausgesprochen und sein Gebet beendet hatte, zündeten die Heizer das Feuer an. Als die Flamme mächtig emporloderte, schauten wir ein Wunder; denn uns wurde die Gnade gegeben, das Wunder zu sehen, und wir wurden bestimmt, anderen das Geschehene zu verkünden. Das Feuer, das sich gleich einem vom Winde geschwellten Segel wölbte, umgab rings den Leib des Märtyrers wie eine (schützende) Mauer. Sein Fleisch verbrannte nicht darin, sondern es war wie Gold und Silber in einem Schmelzofen. Auch empfanden wir einen Wohlgeruch wie von duftendem Weihrauch oder anderen kostbaren Gewürzen. Als schließlich die Gottlosen merkten, daß sein Leib vom Feuer nicht verzehrt werden könne, befahlen sie dem Konfektor,11 er solle zu Polykarp hingehen und ihm das Schwert in die Brust stoßen. Er tat dies, worauf eine solche Menge Blutes floß, daß es das Feuer auslöschte und die ganze Menschenmenge sich wunderte über den großen Unterschied, der zwischen den Ungläubigen und S. 182 den Auserwählten besteht. Zu den Auserwählten zählte auch unser Polykarp, ein Lehrer von apostolischem und prophetischem Geist und von größtem Ansehen in unserer (christlichen) Zeit, Bischof der katholischen Kirche in Smyrna. Jedes Wort aus seinem Munde hat sich erfüllt und wird sich noch erfüllen. Als aber der eifersüchtige und verleumderische Böse, der gegen das Geschlecht der Gerechten ankämpft, die Größe seines Martyriums, seinen von Anfang an unbefleckten Lebenswandel, seine Krönung mit dem Kranze der Unvergänglichkeit und seine Auszeichnung mit einem unbestreitbaren Kampfpreise sah, da suchte er sogar zu verhindern, daß wir seine leiblichen Überreste wegtrugen, wonach doch viele verlangt hatten, um etwas von seinem heiligen Fleische zu besitzen. Einige veranlaßten daher den Niketes, den Vater des Herodes und Bruder der Alke, den Prokonsul zu ersuchen, daß er den Leichnam nicht herausgäbe, ‚damit nicht die Christen’ — so lauteten ihre Worte — ,den Gekreuzigten verlassen und anfangen, den Polykarp zu verehren’. So sagten sie auf Veranlassung und Drängen der Juden, welche schon auf uns achtgegeben hatten, als wir Polykarp aus dem Feuer holen wollten. Sie sahen nicht ein, daß wir Christus, der für das Heil aller, die auf Erden erlöst werden, gelitten hat, nicht verlassen und nicht einen anderen anbeten können. Christus beten wir an, weil er der Sohn Gottes ist, den Märtyrern aber erweisen wir als Schülern und Nachahmern des Herrn würdige Verehrung wegen ihrer unübertrefflichen Liebe zu ihrem König und Lehrer. Möchten doch auch wir ihre Genossen und Mitschüler werden! Als der Hauptmann die Bosheit der Juden merkte, ließ er Polykarp aufbahren und dem Brauch gemäß verbrennen. Auf solche Weise kamen wir hernach in den Besitz seiner Gebeine, die wertvoller sind als Edelsteine und kostbarer als Gold. Wir bestatteten dieselben an geeigneter Stelle, wo wir uns wo möglich in Jubel und Freude versammeln, um S. 183 mit der Gnade des Herrn den Tag seines Martyriums und seiner Geburt zu feiern zur Erinnerung an die, welche uns im Kampfe vorangegangen sind, und zur Übung und Vorbereitung für die, welche im Kampfe folgen. Soviel über den heiligen Polykarp, welcher, wenn die aus Philadelphia stammenden Märtyrer miteingerechnet werden, der zwölfte Blutzeuge in Smyrna war, aber mehr als alle geehrt wird, so daß selbst die Heiden überall von ihm sprechen.“12
Das Leben des wunderbaren, apostolischen Polykarp war eines solchen Abschlusses gewürdigt worden nach dem Berichte, den die Brüder der Kirche von Smyrna in dem erwähnten Briefe niedergelegt haben. Dem gleichen Schreiben über Polykarp waren noch andere Martyrien beigefügt worden, die ebenfalls in Smyrna eben zur Zeit, da Polykarp Blutzeuge wurde, erfolgt waren. Zu diesen gehört die Hinrichtung des Metrodorus, der für einen Priester der marcionitischen Irrlehre gehalten wurde und des Feuertodes starb. Zu den berühmten Blutzeugen der damaligen Zeit zahlte auch ein gewisser Pionius. Eine Schrift über ihn erzählt ausführlich von seinen einzelnen Bekenntnissen, seinem Freimut im Reden, seinem Eintreten für den Glauben vor dem Volke S. 184 und den Beamten, seinem öffentlichen Unterricht, ferner seinem Entgegenkommen gegenüber denen, die sich in der Zeit der Verfolgung verführen ließen, seinen Trostworten an die Brüder, welche ihn im Gefängnis besuchten, seinen sonstigen Martern und Schmerzen, seiner Annagelung, seiner Standhaftigkeit auf dem Scheiterhaufen und seinem unter allen möglichen Wundern erfolgten Ende. Wer sich dafür interessiert, den möchten wir auf diese Schrift verweisen; wir haben sie den von uns gesammelten Martyrien aus alter Zeit13 beigefügt. Weiterhin sind noch Erinnerungen überliefert über solche, welche in Pergamon in Asien den Martertod erlitten haben, nämlich über Karpus, Papylus und das Weib Agathonike, welche nach vielen herrlichen Bekenntnissen ein ruhmreiches Ende gefunden haben.14
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Martyr. Polyc. 1. ↩
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Ebd. 2—7. ↩
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Martyr. Polyc. 8—19. ↩
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Der „große Sabbat“ war nach Martyr. Polyc. 21 am 2. Xanthicus, kann also nicht der Karsamstag gewesen sein. Nach C. H. Turner, „The day and year of St. Polycarps martyrdom.“ in Studia biblica et ecclesiastica 2 (1890), S. 105—155, wird der Tag des Martyriums Polykarps deshalb als „großer Sabbat“ bezeichnet, weil an diesem Tage das Purimfest der Juden stattgefunden habe. Turner verlegt daher den Todestag Polykarps auf den 22. Februar 156. Ihm folgt E. Schwartz, „Die jüdische Pascharechnung und das Martyrium Polycarps“ in Abhdlg. d. Gött. Gesellsch. d. Wiss. VIII 6, S. 125—138. Nach anderen (vgl. Bardenhewer, „Gesch. der Altkirchl. Liter. I2 1913, S. 162) starb Polykarp am 23. Februar 155. ↩
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Die Irenarchen wurden vom Statthalter der Provinz für die einzelnen Städte als Polizeipräsidenten aufgestellt und hatten für die öffentliche Ruhe Sorge zu tragen. ↩
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Die Christen bezeichneten mit κύριος nur Gott. ↩
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Vgl. Röm. 13, 1. ↩
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Der Asiarch war der Vorsitzende des oben IV 12 (S. 170) erwähnten κοινὸν τῆς Ἀσίας und als solcher Oberpriester der Provinz und Direktor der öffentlichen Spiele. ↩
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Tertullian, Scorpiace 10, nennt die Synagogen die „Brunnenstuben der Verfolgungen“ (fontes persecutionum). Vgl. A. von Harnack, Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums I4 (Leipzig 1924), 64 ff. ↩
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Vgl. H. Lietzmann, „Ein liturgisches Bruchstück des zweiten Jahrhunderts“, in Zeitschr. f. wiss. Theologie 54 (1912), S. 56ff. ↩
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Der Konfektor hatte im Amphitheater den verwundeten Menschen und Tieren den Todesstoß zu geben. ↩
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Der überlieferte Text des Martyrium Polycarpi ist offenbar bereits das Produkt von Überarbeitungen, wie sich aus manchen Inkorrektheiten in der Gedankenentwicklung ergibt. Der griechische Text des ganzen Martyriums ist u. a. herausgegeben von G. Rauschen, „Florilegium patristicum“ 1. Heft (Bonn 1904), S. 39—59; von R. Knopf, „Ausgewählte Märtyrerakten“, in Krügers Sammlung ausgewählter kirchen- und dogmengeschichtl. Quellenschriften II 22 (Tübingen 1913), Deutsch von G. Rauschen, in „Bibl. der Kirchenväter 14, 1913). Vgl. H. Müller, „Aus der Überlieferungsgeschichte des Polykarp-Martyriums“ (Paderborn 1908); ders., „Das Martyrium Polycarpi“, in Röm. Quartalschr. f. christl. Altertumskunde 22, 1 (1908), S, 1—16; B. Sepp, „Das Martyrium Polycarpi“ (Regensburg 1911); W. Reuning, „Zur Erklärung des Polykarpmartyriums“, Diss. (Darmstadt 1917); H. Delehaye, „Les passions des martyrs et les genres littéraires (Brüssel 1921) S, 16 ff. ↩
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Des Eusebius Schrift „Sammlung der alten Martyrien“ ist verlorengegangen. Eusebius verweist darauf auch noch unten V, Vorw. U. 4. 21. ↩
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Vgl. v. Harnack, „Akten des Karpus, des Papylus und der Agathonike“, in TU 3, 4 (Leipzig 1888). Über die Martyriensammlung, in der Eusebius den Brief der Smyrnäer fand, vgl. E. Schwartz, „De Pionio et Polycarpo (Gött. Programm 1905). ↩
Übersetzung
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The Church History of Eusebius
Chapter XV.--Under Verus, 1 Polycarp with Others suffered Martyrdom at Smyrna.
1. At this time, 2 when the greatest persecutions were exciting Asia, Polycarp ended his life by martyrdom. But I consider it most important that his death, a written account of which is still extant, should be recorded in this history.
2. There is a letter, written in the name of the church over which he himself presided, 3 to the parishes in Pontus, 4 which relates the events that befell him, in the following words:
3. "The church of God which dwelleth in Philomelium, 5 and to all the parishes of the holy catholic Church 6 in every place; mercy and peace and love from God the Father be multiplied. We write 7 unto you, brethren, an account of what happened to those that suffered martyrdom and to the blessed Polycarp, who put an end to the persecution, having, as it were, sealed it by his martyrdom."
4. After these words, before giving the account of Polycarp, they record the events which befell the rest of the martyrs, and describe the great firmness which they exhibited in the midst of their pains. For they say that the bystanders were struck with amazement when they saw them lacerated with scourges even to the innermost veins and arteries, so that the hidden inward parts of the body, both their bowels and their members, were exposed to view; and then laid upon sea-shells and certain pointed spits, and subjected to every species of punishment and of torture, and finally thrown as food to wild beasts.
5. And they record that the most noble Germanicus 8 especially distinguished himself, overcoming by the grace of God the fear of bodily death implanted by nature. When indeed the proconsul 9 wished to persuade him, and urged his youth, and besought him, as he was very young and vigorous, to take compassion on himself, he did not hesitate, but eagerly lured the beast toward himself, all but compelling and irritating him, in order that he might the sooner be freed from their unrighteous and lawless life.
6. After his glorious death the whole multitude, marveling at the bravery of the God-beloved martyr and at the fortitude of the whole race of Christians, began to cry out suddenly, "Away with the atheists; 10 let Polycarp be sought."
7. And when a very great tumult arose in consequence of the cries, a certain Phrygian, Quintus 11 by name, who was newly come from Phrygia, seeing the beasts and the additional tortures, was smitten with cowardice and gave up the attainment of salvation.
8. But the above-mentioned epistle shows that he, too hastily and without proper discretion, had rushed forward with others to the tribunal, but when seized had furnished a clear proof to all, that it is not right for such persons rashly and recklessly to expose themselves to danger. Thus did matters turn out in connection with them.
9. But the most admirable Polycarp, when he first heard of these things, continued undisturbed, preserved a quiet and unshaken mind, and determined to remain in the city. But being persuaded by his friends who entreated and exhorted him to retire secretly, he went out to a farm not far distant from the city and abode there with a few companions, night and day doing nothing but wrestle with the Lord in prayer, beseeching and imploring, and asking peace for the churches throughout the whole world. For this was always his custom.
10. And three days before his arrest, while he was praying, he saw in a vision at night the pillow under his head suddenly seized by fire and consumed; and upon this awakening he immediately interpreted the vision to those that were present, almost foretelling that which was about to happen, and declaring plainly to those that were with him that it would be necessary for him for Christ's sake to die by fire.
11. Then, as those who were seeking him pushed the search with vigor, they say that he was again constrained by the solicitude and love of the brethren to go to another farm. Thither his pursuers came after no long time, and seized two of the servants there, and tortured one of them for the purpose of learning from him Polycarp's hiding-place.
12. And coming late in the evening, they found him lying in an upper room, whence he might have gone to another house, but he would not, saying, "The will of God be done."
13. And when he learned that they were present, as the account says, he went down and spoke to them with a very cheerful and gentle countenance, so that those who did not already know the man thought that they beheld a miracle when they observed his advanced age and the gravity and firmness of his bearing, and they marveled that so much effort should be made to capture a man like him.
14. But he did not hesitate, but immediately gave orders that a table should be spread for them. Then he invited them to partake of a bounteous meal, and asked of them one hour that he might pray undisturbed. And when they had given permission, he stood up and prayed, being full of the grace of the Lord, so that those who were present and heard him praying were amazed, and many of them now repented that such a venerable and godly old man was about to be put to death.
15. In addition to these things the narrative concerning him contains the following account: "But when at length he had brought his prayer to an end, after remembering all that had ever come into contact with him, small and great, famous and obscure, and the whole catholic Church throughout the world, the hour of departure being come, they put him upon an ass and brought him to the city, it being a great Sabbath. 12 And he was met by Herod, 13 the captain of police, 14 and by his father Nicetes, who took him into their carriage, and sitting beside him endeavored to persuade him, saying, For what harm is there in saying, Lord Caesar, and sacrificing and saving your life?' He at first did not answer; but when they persisted, he said, I am not going to do what you advise me.'
16. And when they failed to persuade him, they uttered dreadful words, and thrust him down with violence, so that as he descended from the carriage he lacerated his shin. But without turning round, he went on his way promptly and rapidly, as if nothing had happened to him, and was taken to the stadium.
17. But there was such a tumult in the stadium that not many heard a voice from heaven, which came to Polycarp as he was entering the place: Be strong, Polycarp, and play the man.' 15 And no one saw the speaker, but many of our people heard the voice.
18. And when he was led forward, there was a great tumult, as they heard that Polycarp was taken. Finally, when he came up, the proconsul asked if he were Polycarp. And when he confessed that he was, he endeavored to persuade him to deny, saying, Have regard for thine age,' and other like things, which it is their custom to say: Swear by the genius of Caesar; 16 repent and say, Away with the Atheists.'
19. But Polycarp, looking with dignified countenance upon the whole crowd that was gathered in the stadium, waved his hand to them, and groaned, and raising his eyes toward heaven, said, Away with the Atheists.'
20. But when the magistrate pressed him, and said, Swear, and I will release thee; revile Christ,' Polycarp said, Fourscore and six years 17 have I been serving him, and he hath done me no wrong; how then can I blaspheme my king who saved me?'
21. "But when he again persisted, and said, Swear by the genius of Caesar,' Polycarp replied, If thou vainly supposest that I will swear by the genius of Caesar, as thou sayest, feigning to be ignorant who I am, hear plainly: I am a Christian. But if thou desirest to learn the doctrine of Christianity, assign a day and hear.'
22. The proconsul said, Persuade the people.' But Polycarp said, As for thee, I thought thee worthy of an explanation; for we have been taught to render to princes and authorities ordained by God the honor that is due, 18 so long as it does not injure us; 19 but as for these, I do not esteem them the proper persons to whom to make my defense.' 20
23. But the proconsul said, I have wild beasts; I will throw thee to them unless thou repent.' But he said, Call them; for repentance from better to worse is a change we cannot make. But it is a noble thing to turn from wickedness to righteousness.'
24. But he again said to him, If thou despisest the wild beasts, I will cause thee to be consumed by fire, unless thou repent.' But Polycarp said, Thou threatenest a fire which burneth for an hour, and after a little is quenched; for thou knowest not the fire of the future judgment and of the eternal punishment which is reserved for the impious. But why dost thou delay? Do what thou wilt.'
25. Saying these and other words besides, he was filled with courage and joy, and his face was suffused with grace, so that not only was he not terrified and dismayed by the words that were spoken to him, but, on the contrary, the proconsul was amazed, and sent his herald to proclaim three times in the midst of the stadium: Polycarp hath confessed that he is a Christian.'
26. And when this was proclaimed by the herald, the whole multitude, both of Gentiles and of Jews, 21 who dwelt in Smyrna, cried out with ungovernable wrath and with a great shout, This is the teacher of Asia, the father of the Christians, the overthrower of our gods, who teacheth many not to sacrifice nor to worship.'
27. When they had said this, they cried out and asked the Asiarch Philip 22 to let a lion loose upon Polycarp. But he said that it was not lawful for him, since he had closed the games. Then they thought fit to cry out with one accord that Polycarp should be burned alive.
28. For it was necessary that the vision should be fulfilled which had been shown him concerning his pillow, when he saw it burning while he was praying, and turned and said prophetically to the faithful that were with him, I must needs be burned alive.'
29. These things were done with great speed,--more quickly than they were said,--the crowds immediately collecting from the workshops and baths timber and fagots, the Jews being especially zealous in the work, as is their wont.
30. But when the pile was ready, taking off all his upper garments, and loosing his girdle, he attempted also to remove his shoes, although he had never before done this, because of the effort which each of the faithful always made to touch his skin first; for he had been treated with all honor on account of his virtuous life even before his gray hairs came.
31. Forthwith then the materials prepared for the pile were placed about him; and as they were also about to nail him to the stake, 23 he said, Leave me thus; for he who hath given me strength to endure the fire, will also grant me strength to remain in the fire unmoved without being secured by you with nails.' So they did not nail him, but bound him.
32. And he, with his hands behind him, and bound like a noble ram taken from a great flock, an acceptable burnt-offering unto God omnipotent, said,
33. Father of thy beloved and blessed Son 24 Jesus Christ, through whom we have received the knowledge of thee, the God of angels and of powers and of the whole creation and of the entire race of the righteous who live in thy presence, I bless thee that thou hast deemed me worthy of this day and hour, that I might receive a portion in the number of the martyrs, in the cup of Christ, unto resurrection of eternal life, 25 both of soul and of body, in the immortality of the Holy Spirit.
34. Among these may I be received before thee this day, in a rich and acceptable sacrifice, as thou, the faithful and true God, hast beforehand prepared and revealed, and hast fulfilled.
35. Wherefore I praise thee also for everything; I bless thee, I glorify thee, through the eternal high priest, Jesus Christ, thy beloved Son, through whom, with him, in the Holy Spirit, be glory unto thee, both now and for the ages to come, Amen.'
36. When he had offered up his Amen and had finished his prayer, the firemen lighted the fire and as a great flame blazed out, we, to whom it was given to see, saw a wonder, and we were preserved that we might relate what happened to the others.
37. For the fire presented the appearance of a vault, like the sail of a vessel filled by the wind, and made a wall about the body of the martyr, 26 and it was in the midst not like flesh burning, but like gold and silver refined in a furnace. For we perceived such a fragrant odor, as of the fumes of frankincense or of some other precious spices.
38. So at length the lawless men, when they saw that the body could not be consumed by the fire, commanded an executioner 27 to approach and pierce him with the sword.
39. And when he had done this there came forth a quantity of blood 28 so that it extinguished the fire; and the whole crowd marveled that there should be such a difference between the unbelievers and the elect, of whom this man also was one, the most wonderful teacher in our times, apostolic and prophetic, who was bishop of the catholic Church 29 in Smyrna. For every word which came from his mouth was accomplished and will be accomplished.
40. But the jealous and envious Evil One, the adversary of the race of the righteous, when he saw the greatness of his martyrdom, and his blameless life from the beginning, and when he saw him crowned with the crown of immortality and bearing off an incontestable prize, took care that not even his body should be taken away by us, although many desired to do it and to have communion with his holy flesh.
41. Accordingly certain ones secretly suggested to Nicetes, the father of Herod and brother of Alce, 30 that he should plead with the magistrate not to give up his body, lest,' it was said, they should abandon the crucified One and begin to worship this man.' 31 They said these things at the suggestion and impulse of the Jews, who also watched as we were about to take it from the fire, not knowing that we shall never be able either to forsake Christ, who suffered for the salvation of the whole world of those that are saved, or to worship any other.
42. For we worship him who is the Son of God, but the martyrs, as disciples and imitators of the Lord, we love as they deserve on account of their matchless affection for their own king and teacher. May we also be made partakers and fellow-disciples with them.
43. The centurion, therefore, when he saw the contentiousness exhibited by the Jews, placed him in the midst and burned him, as was their custom. And so we afterwards gathered up his bones, which were more valuable than precious stones and more to be esteemed than gold, and laid them in a suitable place.
44. There the Lord will permit us to come together as we are able, in gladness and joy to celebrate the birthday of his martyrdom, 32 for the commemoration of those who have already fought and for the training and preparation of those who shall hereafter do the same.
45. Such are the events that befell the blessed Polycarp, who suffered martyrdom in Smyrna with the eleven 33 from Philadelphia. This one man is remembered more than the others by all, so that even by the heathen he is talked about in every place."
46. Of such an end was the admirable and apostolic Polycarp deemed worthy, as recorded by the brethren of the church of Smyrna in their epistle which we have mentioned. In the same volume 34 concerning him are subjoined also other martyrdoms which took place in the same city, Smyrna, about the same period of time with Polycarp's martyrdom. Among them also Metrodorus, who appears to have been a proselyte of the Marcionitic sect, suffered death by fire.
47. A celebrated martyr of those times was a certain man named Pionius. Those who desire to know his several confessions, and the boldness of his speech, and his apologies in behalf of the faith before the people and the rulers, and his instructive addresses and, moreover, his greetings to those who had yielded to temptation in the persecution, and the words of encouragement which he addressed to the brethren who came to visit him in prison, and the tortures which he endured in addition, and besides these the sufferings and the nailings, and his firmness on the pile, and his death after all the extraordinary trials, 35 --those we refer to that epistle which has been given in the Martyrdoms of the Ancients, 36 collected by us, and which contains a very full account of him.
48. And there are also records extant of others that suffered martyrdom in Pergamus, a city of Asia,--of Carpus and Papylus, and a woman named Agathonice, who, after many and illustrious testimonies, gloriously ended their lives. 37
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Marcus Aurelius Verus. See below, p. 390, note. ↩
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Polycarp's martyrdom occurred in Smyrna, not during the reign of Marcus Aurelius, as Eusebius says, but during the reign of Antoninus Pius, between 154 and 156 (probably in 155). This has been proved by Waddington in his Memoire sur la Chronologie de la vie du rheteur Ælius Aristide (in Mem. de l'acad. des inscript. et belles lettres, Tom. XXVI., part II., 1867, p. 232 sq.' see, also, his Fastes des provinces Asiatiques, 1872, p. 219 sq.), and the date is now almost universally accepted (for example, by Renan, Ewald, Hilgenfeld, Lightfoot, Harnack, &c.). But the Chron. of Eusebius seems to put the martyrdom in the seventh year of Marcus Aurelius (166-167 a.d.), and this is the date given by Jerome and others, who based their chronology upon Eusebius, and was commonly accepted until Waddington proved it false. Lightfoot, however, shows that Eusebius did not mean to assign Polycarp's death to the seventh year of Marcus Aurelius, but that he meant only to place it in the reign of that emperor, and did not pretend to fix the year. How he made the mistake of assigning it to the wrong emperor we do not know, but knowing Eusebius' common confusion of the various emperors that bore the name of Antonine, we are not surprised at his error at this point. For the best and most recent discussion of this whole subject, see Lightfoot's Ignatius, I. p. 629 sq. Since Waddington published his researches, Wieseler (in his Christenverfolgungen, 1878, p. 34-87) and Keim (Aus dem Urchristenthum, 1878, p. 92-133) have ventured to dispute his conclusions and to advocate the old date (167), but their arguments are worthless, and have been completely refuted by Lightfoot (ibid. p. 655 sq.). ↩
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I.e. the church of Smyrna. This letter (the greater part of which Eusebius gives in this chapter) is still extant in four Greek mss., and also in a poor Latin version which is preserved in numerous mss. The letter has been published a number of times, most recently by Zahn (in Gebhardt, Harnack, and Zahn's Patrum Ap. opera, II. p. 132. sq.), and by Lightfoot (in his Apostolic Fathers, Part II.; St. Ignatius and St. Polycarp, p. 947 sq). Lightfoot gives the Greek text with full notes and an English translation, and to his edition the reader is referred for fuller particulars on the whole subject. ↩
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Pontus was the northeast province of Asia Minor, bordering on the Black Sea. What led Eusebius to suppose that this epistle was addressed to the church in Pontus, we do not know. The letter is addressed to the church in Philomalium, and that city was not Pontus (according to Lightfoot, ibid. II. p. 948). Valesius suggests that we should read p?nta topon instead of Ponton, but the latter reading is confirmed both by Rufinus and by the Syriac as well as by all the Greek mss. I am inclined to think that Eusebius may have read hastily and erroneously in the heading of the letter Ponton instead of p?nta topon, and, not knowing that Philomelium was not in Pontus, never thought that his reading was incorrect. Such careless mistakes are by no means uncommon, even in these days, and, having once written Pontus, it is easy enough to suppose that nothing would occur to call his attention to his mistake, and of course no copyist would think of making a correction. ↩
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Philomelium, according to Lightfoot (ibid. p. 947), was an important city in Phrygia Paroreios, not far from Pisidian Antioch. ↩
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tes hagias katholikes ekklesias. The phrase "Catholic Church" occurs first in Ignatius' Ep. ad Smyr., chap. 8, and there the word "catholic" evidently has the common and early meaning, "universal" (see Lightfoot's Ignatius, I. p. 398 sqq.). In later usage (so in Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, and the Muratorian Fragment) it has the meaning "orthodox," as opposed to heretical and schismatical bodies. In the present epistle it occurs four times (§§3, 15, 39, below, and in a passage not quoted in this chapter), and at least the first three times with the later meaning, and consequently, in all probability, it has the same meaning the fourth time also. (Lightfoot, it is true, contends that it has the earlier meaning, "universal," in the first, second and fourth cases; but in at least the first two that sense of the word produces most decided tautology, and is therefore to be rejected.) The occurrence of the word in the later sense has caused some critics to deny the genuineness of the epistle; but its genuineness is too well established to admit of doubt, and it must be granted that it is by no means impossible that a word which was used at the end of the second century (in Alexandra, in Rome, and in Carthage) with a certain meaning may have been employed in the same sense a generation earlier. On the other hand it is possible, as suggested by some, that the word "Catholic" itself is an interpolation; for it is just such a word that would most easily slip into a document, through the inadvertency of copyists, at a later time, when the phrase "Catholic Church" had become current. Lightfoot (ibid. p. 605 sq.) maintains the genuineness of the word (taking it in its earlier sense) in all but the third instance, where he substitutes hagias upon what seem to me insufficient grounds. ↩
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egr?psamen, the epistolary aorist, referring, not to another epistle, but to the one which follows, the writer putting himself in thought in the position of those who are reading the letter. See Lightfoot's note on Gal. vi. 11, in his Commentary on that epistle. ↩
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Of Germanicus we know only what is told us in this epistle ↩
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This proconsul was Statius Quadratus, as we are told in the latter part of this epistle, in a passage which Eusebius does not quote. Upon his dates, see the discussions of the date of Polycarp's martyrdom mentioned in note 2, above. ↩
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Compare Justin Martyr's Apol. I. 6; Tertullian's Apol. 10, &c.; and see chap. 7, note 20, above. ↩
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Of Quintus we know only what is told us in this epistle. It is significant that he was a Phrygian, for the Phrygians were proverbially excitable and fanatical, and it was among them that Montanism took its rise. The conduct of Polycarp, who avoided death as long as he could without dishonor, was in great contrast to this; and it is noticeable that the Smyrnaeans condemn Quintus' hasty and ill-considered action, and that Eusebius echoes their judgment (see above, p. 8). ↩
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Sabb?tou meg?lou. "The great Sabbath" in the Christian Church, at least from the time of Chrysostom on, was the Saturday between Good-Friday and Easter. But so far as we know, there are no examples of that use of the phrase earlier than Chrysostom's time. Lightfoot points out that, in the present instance, it is not "The great Sabbath" (to mega S?bbaton), but only "A great Sabbath"; and therefore, in the present instance, any great Sabbath might be meant,--that is, any Sabbath which coincided with a festival or other marked day in the Jewish calendar. Lightfoot gives strong reasons for assuming that the traditional day of Polycarp's death (Feb. 23) is correct, and that the Sabbath referred to here was a great Sabbath because it coincided with the Feast of Purim (see Lightfoot, ibid. I. p. 660 sqq. and 690 sqq.). ↩
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Of Herod and Nicetes we know only what is told us in this epistle. The latter was not an uncommon name in Smyrna, as we learn from inscriptions (see Lightfoot, ibid. II. p. 958). ↩
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eirenarchos (see Lightfoot, ibid. p. 955). ↩
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Compare Joshua i. 6, 7, 9, and Deut. i. 7, 23. ↩
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ten Kaisaros tuchen. This oath was invented under Julius Caesar, and continued under his successors. The oath was repudiated by the Christians, who regarded the "genius" of the emperor as a false God, and therefore the taking of the oath a species of idolatry. It was consequently employed very commonly by the magistrates as a test in times of persecution (cf. Tertullian, Apol. 32; Origen, Contra Cels. VIII. 65, and many other passages). ↩
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See above, chap. 14, note 5. Whether the eighty-six years are to be reckoned from Polycarp's birth, or from the time of his conversion or baptism, we cannot tell. At the same time, inasmuch as he speaks of serving Christ, for eighty-six years, not God, I am inclined to think that he is reckoning from the time of his conversion or baptism, which may well be if we suppose him to have been baptized in early boyhood. ↩
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See Rom. xiii. 1 sq., 1 Pet. ii. 13 sq. ↩
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timen...ten me bl?ptousan hemas. Compare Pseudo-Ignatius, ad Antioch. 11, and Mart. Ignat. Rom. 6 (in both of which are found the words en hois akindunos he hupotage). ↩
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The proconsul made quite a concession here. He would have been glad to have Polycarp quiet the multitude if he could. Polycarp was not reckless and foolish in refusing to make the attempt, for he knew it would fail, and he preferred to retain his dignity and not compromise himself by appearing to ask for mercy. ↩
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The Jews appear very frequently as leading spirits in the persecution of Christians. The persecution under Nero was doubtless due to their instigation (see Bk. II. chap. 25, note 4). Compare also Tertullian, Scorp. 10, and Eusebius, H. E. V. 16. That the Jews were numerous in Smyrna has been shown by Lightfoot, ibid. p. 966. ↩
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"The Asiarch was the head of the Commune Asiae, the confederation of the principal cities of the Roman province of Asia. As such, he was the chief priest' of Asia, and president of the games" (Lightfoot, ibid. p. 967; on p. 987 ff. of the same volume, Lightfoot discusses the Asiarchate at considerable length). The Asiarch Philip mentioned here was a Trallian, as we learn from a statement toward the close of the epistle, which Eusebius does not quote; Lightfoot identifies him with a person named in various Trallian Inscriptions. ↩
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The Greek reads simply proseloun auton. ↩
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paidos not huiou. pais commonly conveys the meaning of servant rather than son, although in this passage it is evidently used in the latter sense. Its use in connection with Christ was in later times dropped as Arianistic in its tendency. ↩
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Compare John v. 29. ↩
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It is not necessary to dispute the truthfulness of the report in this and the next sentences on the ground that the events recorded are miraculous in their nature, and therefore cannot have happened. Natural causes may easily have produced some such phenomena as the writers describe, and which they of course regarded as miraculous. Lightfoot refers to a number of similar cases, Vol. I. p. 598 ff. Compare also Harnack in the Zeitschrift für Kirchengesch. II. p. 291 ff. ↩
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Komphektora. It was the common business of the Confectores to dispatch such wild beasts as had not been killed outright during the combat in the arena. See Lightfoot, p. 974. ↩
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Before the words "a quantity of blood" are found in all the Greek mss. of the epistle the words peristera kai, "a dove and." It seems probable that these words did not belong to the original text, but that they were, as many critics believe, an unintentional corruption of some other phrase, or that they were, as Lightfoot thinks, a deliberate interpolation by a late editor (see Lightfoot, II. 974 ff. and I. 627 ff.). No argument, therefore, against the honesty of Eusebius can be drawn from his omission of the words. ↩
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See above, note 6. That the word katholikes is used here in the later sense of "orthodox," as opposed to heretical and schismatical bodies, can be questioned by no one. Lightfoot, however, reads at this point hagias instead of katholikes in his edition of the epistle. It is true that he has some ms. support, but the mss. and versions of Eusebius are unanimous in favor of the latter word, and Lightfoot's grounds for making the change seem to be quite insufficient. If any change is to be made, the word should be dropped out entirely, as suggested by the note already referred to. ↩
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All, or nearly all, the mss. of Eusebius read D?lkes, and that reading is adopted by Stephanus, Valesius (in his text), Schwegler, Laemmer, Heinichen, and Crusè. On the other hand, the mss. of the epistle itself all support the form Alkes (or 'Alkes, Elkeis, as it appears respectively in two mss.), and Lightfoot accepts this unhesitatingly as the original form of the word, and it is adopted by many editors of Eusebius (Valesius, in his notes, Stroth, Zimmermann, Burton, and Closs). Dalce is an otherwise unknown name, while Alce, though rare, is a good Greek name, and is once connected with Smyrna in an inscription. Moreover, we learn from Ignatius, ad Smyr. 13, and ad Polyc. VIII., that Alce was a well-known Christian in Smyrna at the time Ignatius wrote his epistles. The use of the name at this point shows that its possessor was or had been a prominent character in the church of Smyrna, and the identification of the two seems to me beyond all reasonable doubt (see, also, Lightfoot, I. 353; II. 325 and 978). That Eusebius, however, wrote Alce is not so certain. In fact, in view of the external testimony, it might be regarded as quite as likely that he, by a mistake, wrote Dalce, as that some copyist afterwards committed the error. Still, the name Alce must have been to Eusebius, with his remarkable memory, familiar from Ignatius' epistles, and hence his mistaking it for another word seems a little strange. But whether Eusebius himself wrote Dalce or Alce, believing the latter to be the correct form, the form which he should have written, I have ventured to adopt it in my translation. ↩
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This shows that the martyrs were highly venerated even at this early date, as was indeed most natural, and as is acknowledged by the writers themselves just below. But it does not show that the Christians already worshiped or venerated their relics as they did in later centuries. The heathen, in their own paganism, might easily conclude from the Christians' tender care of and reverence for the martyrs' relics that they also worshiped them. ↩
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This is, so far as I am aware, the earliest notice of the annual celebration of the day of a martyr's death, a practice which early became so common in the Church. The next reference to the custom is in Tertullian's de Corona, 3 (cf. also Scorp. 15). So natural a practice, however, and one which was soon afterward universal, need not surprise us at this early date (see Ducange, Natalis, and Bingham, Ant. XIII. 9. 5, XX. 7. 2). ↩
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The majority of the mss. read dodeka tou en Smurne marturesantos, which, however, is quite ungrammatical as it stands in the sentence, and cannot be accepted. Heinichen reads dodeka ton en k.t.l., changing the genitive of the majority of the mss. to an accusative, but like them, as also like Rufinus, making twelve martyrs besides Polycarp. But the mss. of the epistle itself read dodekatos en Sm. marturesas, thus making only eleven martyrs in addition to Polycarp, and it cannot be doubted that this idiomatic Greek construction is the original. In view of that fact, I am constrained to read with Valesius, Schwegler, and Zahn (in his note on this passage in his edition of the epistle), dodekaton en Sm. marturesanta, translating literally, "suffered martyrdom with those from Philadelphia, the twelfth"; or, as I have rendered it freely in the text, "suffered martyrdom with the eleven from Philadelphia." It is, of course, possible that Eusebius himself substituted the dodeka for the dodekatos, but the variations and inconsistencies in the mss. at this point make it more probable that the change crept in later, and that Eusebius agreed with his original in making Polycarp the twelfth martyr, not the thirteenth. Of these eleven only Germanicus is mentioned in this epistle, and who the others were we do not know. They cannot have been persons of prominence, or Polycarp's martyrdom would not so completely have overshadowed theirs. ↩
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graphe. These other accounts were not given in the epistle of the Smyrnaeans, but were doubtless appended to that epistle in the ms. which Eusebius used. The accounts referred to are not found in any of our mss. of the epistle, but there is published in Ruinart's Acta Martyrum Sincera, p. 188 sq., a narrative in Latin of the martyrdom of a certain Pionius and of a certain Marcionist Metrodorus, as well as of others, which appears to be substantially the same as the document which Eusebius knew in the original Greek, and which he refers to here. The account bears all the marks of genuineness, and may be regarded as trustworthy, at least in the main points. But Eusebius has fallen into a serious chronological blunder in making these other martyrs contemporaries of Polycarp. We learn from a notice in the document given by Ruinart that Pionius, Metrodorus, and the others were put to death during the persecution of Decius, in 250 a.d., and this date is confirmed by external evidence. The document which Eusebius used may not have contained the distinct chronological notice which is now found in it, or Eusebius may have overlooked it, and finding the narrative given in his ms. in close connection with the account of Polycarp's martyrdom, he may have jumped hastily to the conclusion that both accounts relate to the same period of time. Or, as Lightfoot suggests, in the heading of the document there may have stood the words he aute periodos tou chronou (a peculiar phrase, which Eusebius repeats) indicating (as the words might indicate) that the events took place at the same season of the year, while Eusebius interpreted them to mean the same period of time. Upon these Acts, and upon Metrodorus and Pionius, see Lightfoot, I. p. 622 sqq. The Life of Polycarp, which purports to have been written by Pionius, is manifestly spurious and entirely untrustworthy, and belongs to the latter part of the fourth century. The true Pionius, therefore, who suffered under Decius, and the Pseudo-Pionius who wrote that Life are to be sharply distinguished (see Lightfoot, I. p. 626 sqq.). ↩
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This is an excellent summary of Pionius' sufferings, as recorded in the extant Acts referred to in the previous note. ↩
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This is the Collection of Ancient Martyrdoms, which is no longer extant, but which is referred to by Eusebius more than once in his History. For particulars in regard to it, see above, p. 30 sq. ↩
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A detailed account of the martyrdoms of Carpus, Papylus, and Agathonice is extant in numerous mss., and has been published more than once. It has, however, long been recognized as spurious and entirely untrustworthy. But in 1881 Aubè published in the Revue Archaeologique (Dec., p. 348 sq.) a shorter form of the Acts of these martyrs, which he had discovered in a Greek ms. in the Paris Library. There is no reason to doubt that these Acts are genuine and, in the main, quite trustworthy. The longer Acts assign the death of these martyrs to the reign of Decius, and they have always been regarded as suffering during that persecution. Aubè, in publishing his newly discovered document, still accepted the old date; but Zahn, upon the basis of the document which he had also seen, remarked in his Tatian's Diatessaron (p. 279) that Eusebius was correct in assigning these martyrdoms to the reign of Marcus Aurelius, and Lightfoot (I. p. 625) stated his belief that they are to be assigned either to that reign or to the reign of Septimius Severus. In 1888 Harnack (Texte und Unters. III. 4) published a new edition of the Acts from the same ms. which Aubè had used, accompanying the text with valuable notes and with a careful discussion of the age of the document. He has proved beyond all doubt that these martyrs were put to death during the reign of Marcus Aurelius, and that the shorter document which we have contains a genuine account related by an eye-witness. These are evidently the Acts which Eusebius had before him. In the spurious account Carpus is called a bishop, and Papylus a deacon. But in the shorter account they are simply Christians, and Papylus informs the judge that he is a citizen of Thyatira. Eusebius apparently did not include the account of these martyrs in his collection of Ancient Martyrdoms, and Harnack concludes from that that he found in it something that did not please him, viz. the fanaticism of Agathonice, who rashly and needlessly rushes to martyrdom, and the approval of her conduct expressed by the author of the Acts. We are reminded of the conduct of the Phrygian Quintus mentioned in the epistle of the Smyrnaeans but in that epistle such conduct is condemned. ↩