Traduction
Masquer
Kirchengeschichte (BKV)
11. Kap. Die damaligen Schicksale des Dionysius und der Ägypter.
Was Dionysius in der zu seiner Zeit aufs heftigste wütenden Verfolgung mit andern wegen seines Glaubens an den Gott des Alls erduldet, mögen seine eigenen Worte kundtun, welche er an Germanus,1 einen damaligen Bischof, der ihn zu verunglimpfen suchte, richtete und worin er sich also äußert: „Ich laufe tatsächlich Gefahr, in große Torheit und Unverständigkeit zu fallen,2 wenn ich notgezwungen über unsere wunderbare Führung durch Gott berichte. Doch da es heißt:3 ‚Es ist gut, das Geheimnis des Königs zu bewahren, rühmlich aber, die Taten Gottes zu offenbaren’, so will ich dem Angriffe des Germanus offen begegnen. Ich kam vor Ämilianus, nicht allein, sondern es folgten mir mein Mitpriester Maximus und die Diakonen Faustus, Eusebius und Chäremon. Auch trat mit uns ein einer der römischen Brüder, welche sich bei uns aufhielten. Nicht aber sagte mir Ämilianus in erster Linie: ‚Halte keine Versamm- S. 331 lungen ab!' Denn das zu sagen, erschien ihm nebensächlich und als das Letzte, ihm, der auf das Erste ging. Es war bei ihm nicht davon die Rede, daß wir andere nicht versammeln sollten, sondern davon, daß wir selber überhaupt nicht Christen sein dürften. Und so befahl er uns, vom Christentum zu lassen, und meinte, daß, wenn ich davon abfiele, die andern mir folgen würden. Ich gab eine Antwort, die der Lage entsprach und mit dem Satze sich berührte:4 ‚Man muß Gott mehr gehorchen als den Menschen.’ Ich bekannte offen und frei, daß ich den einen Gott verehre und sonst keinen und daß ich von ihm nicht lassen und nie aufhören werde, Christ zu sein. Darauf verwies er uns in ein in der Nähe der Wüste gelegenes Dorf, namens Kephro. Doch vernehmet die Worte selbst, die von beiden Seiten gesprochen und zu Protokoll genommen worden sind!
Nachdem Dionysius, Faustus, Maximus, Marcellus und Chäremon vorgeführt waren, erklärte der Statthalter Ämilianus: ‚Und mündlich habe ich zu euch gesprochen über die Güte unserer Herrscher gegen euch. Sie haben euer Wohl in eure eigenen Hände gelegt. Ihr braucht euch nur an das Naturgemäße zu halten und die Götter anzubeten, die ihr Reich behüten, dem Naturwidrigen aber zu entsagen. Was habt ihr darauf zu erwidern? Ich kann nämlich nicht annehmen, daß ihr gegen die Güte der Herrscher undankbar sein werdet, da sie euch zum Besseren nötigen.’Dionysius erwiderte: ‚Es beten nicht alle Menschen alle Götter an, sondern jeder gewisse, die er als solche anerkennt. Wir verehren und beten an den einen Gott und Schöpfer des Alls, der den gottgeliebtesten Kaisern Valerianus und Gallienus die Herrschaft gegeben hat. Ihn bitten wir auch ununterbrochen, daß ihre Herrschaft unerschüttert bleibe.’
Der Statthalter Ämilianus sprach zu ihnen: ‚Wer hindert euch denn, mit den Göttern, die es von Natur aus S. 332 sind, auch diesen anzubeten, sofern er ein Gott ist? Man hat euch ja nur den Befehl gegeben, Götter zu verehren, und zwar Götter, die alle kennen.’
Dionysius antwortete: ‚Wir beten keinen anderen Gott an.’
Der Statthalter Ämilianus erklärte ihnen: ‚Ich sehe, daß ihr zugleich undankbar und unempfindlich gegenüber der Güte unserer Kaiser seid. Daher werdet ihr nicht in dieser Stadt verbleiben. Ihr werdet in die Gegenden Libyens, und zwar nach dem Orte Kephro geschickt werden. Denn diesen Ort habe ich entsprechend dem Befehle unserer Kaiser ausgewählt. Auf keinen Fall soll es euch oder sonst jemand erlaubt sein, Versammlungen zu veranstalten oder die sog. Zömeterien zu besuchen. Sollte es sich aber zeigen, daß einer nicht an den von mir angewiesenen Ort gegangen, oder sollte er in einer Versammlung angetroffen werden, dann wird er sich selbst in Gefahr stürzen. Denn an der notwendigen Überwachung soll es nicht fehlen. Gehet also, wohin euch befohlen!’
Und obwohl ich krank war, verlangte er sofortige Abreise, ohne mir auch nur einen einzigen Tag Aufschub zu gönnen. Wie hätte ich also noch Zeit gehabt, zu überlegen, ob ich Versammlungen halten soll oder nicht?“
Weiter unten sagt Dionysius also: „Gleichwohl haben wir es mit Hilfe des Herrn nicht unterlassen, offen Versammlungen zu veranstalten. Mit großem Eifer rief ich die Christen der Stadt zusammen, wie wenn ich dort gewesen wäre. Körperlich war ich zwar, wie es heißt,5 abwesend, geistig aber war ich dabei. Auch in Kephro hielt sich bei uns eine große Gemeinde von Brüdern auf, die teils aus der Stadt gefolgt, teils aus Ägypten sich angeschlossen. Auch hier öffnete uns Gott eine Türe, das Wort zu verkünden.6 Anfangs allerdings wurden wir verfolgt und mit Steinen beworfen, später aber verließen nicht wenige von den Heiden ihre Götzen und bekehrten S. 333 sich zu Gott. Wir waren damals die ersten, die das Wort in sie säten, von dem sie zuvor nichts gehört hatten. Es war, als hätte uns Gott gerade deswegen zu ihnen geführt; denn nachdem wir diesen Dienst vollendet, führte er uns wieder von dannen. Ämilianus hatte nämlich, wie es schien, beschlossen, uns in recht rauhe und echt libysche Gegenden zu versetzen. Sämtliche verwies er so in die Landschaft Mareotis und bestimmte für jeden einen Flecken in dem Gebiete. Uns aber versetzte er mehr an die Landstraße, um uns zunächst fassen zu können. Denn offenbar richtete er es so ein, daß er, sobald er uns ergreifen wollte, alle leicht in seine Gewalt bekäme. Als ich den Befehl erhielt, nach Kephro zu gehen, fügte ich mich wohlgemut und in Ruhe, obwohl ich die Lage des Ortes nicht kannte, ja kaum den Namen desselben früher gehört hatte. Als mir aber gemeldet ward, daß ich in das Gebiet von Kolluthion übersiedeln solle — ich muß mich hier selbst anklagen —, so wissen die, welche bei mir gewesen, wie mir zu Mute war. Zuerst war ich niedergedrückt und sehr ungehalten. Denn wenn uns auch die Gegenden bekannter und vertrauter waren, so ermangelte der Bezirk, wie man berichtete, der Brüder und rechtschaffener Menschen und war der Belästigung durch die Reisenden und räuberischen Überfällen ausgesetzt. Doch erfuhr ich Trost, da die Brüder mich daran erinnerten, daß der Ort viel näher bei der Stadt läge und daß, so sehr Kephro durch den lebhaften Verkehr mit den Brüdern aus Ägypten uns eine gar mächtige kirchliche Tätigkeit ermöglichte, wir in Kolluthion doch zufolge seiner Stadtnähe öfter den Anblick der wahrhaft geliebten und sehr vertrauten und befreundeten Menschen genießen würden. Diese würden kommen und sich erquicken, und wie in entlegeneren Vororten würden hier und dort Versammlungen stattfinden. Und so geschah es auch.“
Und nach anderem schreibt Dionysius über seine Erlebnisse also: „Germanus rühmt sich seiner vielen Be- S. 334 kenntnisse. Allerdings vermag er vieles zu berichten, was ihm widerfahren ist. Wie viele Leiden könnte er aber von uns aufzählen! Er könnte berichten von Verurteilungen, Konfiskationen, Ächtungen, Güterberaubungen, Ehrenverlusten, von Geringschätzung weltlicher Ehren und Verachtung von Auszeichnungen seitens der Statthalter und des Senates und des Gegenteils davon, von Ertragung von Drohungen, Beschimpfungen, Gefahren, Verfolgungen, Irrsalen, Bedrängnissen und mannigfacher Kränkungen. Solche Leiden widerfuhren mir unter Decius und Sabinus und widerfahren mir noch jetzt unter Ämilianus. Wo aber war Germanus zu sehen? Wer sprach von ihm? Doch will ich von der großen Torheit lassen, in die ich mich des Germanus wegen gestürzt habe,7 und stelle darum die Erzählung der Einzelheiten den Brüdern anheim, die davon wissen.“
In dem Briefe an Dometius und Didymus gedenkt Dionysius der Verfolgung mit diesen Worten: „Es ist überflüssig, die Unsrigen namentlich aufzuzählen; denn ihrer sind viele, und zudem kennt ihr sie nicht. Nur sollt ihr wissen, daß Männer und Weiber, Jünglinge und Greise, Mädchen und alte Frauen, Soldaten und Bürger, jedes Geschlecht und jedes Alter, die einen durch Geißeln und Feuer, die andern durch das Schwert, den siegreichen Kampf gekämpft und die Kronen erlangt haben. Für andere freilich reichte auch eine sehr lange Zeit nicht hin, daß sie würdig erschienen, vom Herrn angenommen zu werden. Zu diesen scheine bis heute ich zu gehören. Er, der sagt:8 ‚Zu einer Zeit, die mir genehm ist, höre ich auf dich, und am Tage des Heiles helfe ich dir’, hat mich nämlich auf die ihm bekannte und gemäße Zeit aufbewahrt. Da ihr denn nach unserer Lage euch erkundigt und über unser Befinden Aufschluß wünscht, so habt ihr gewißlich vernommen, daß uns — mich, Gaius, Faustus, Petrus und Paulus —, als wir von einem Hauptmann und von Beamten und ihren Soldaten und Die- S. 335 nern gefangen abgeführt wurden, herzugekommene Mareoter gegen unseren Willen und ohne daß wir folgen wollten, mit Gewalt abfingen und wegschleppten. Ich, Gaius und Petrus sind nunmehr, von den anderen Brüdern getrennt, allein an einem einsamen und öden Orte Libyens eingeschlossen, drei Tagereisen von Parätonium entfernt.“
Bald darauf fährt Dionysius fort: „Um die Brüder unbemerkt zu besuchen, haben sich die Priester Maximus, Dioskur, Demetrius und Lucius in der Stadt verborgen, ebenso die Diakonen Faustus, Eusebius und Chäremon, welche die auf der Insel gestorbenen Brüder allein noch überlebt haben, während die bei der Welt allzu bekannten Priester Faustinus und Aquilas in Ägypten umherirren. Dem Eusebius hatte Gott von Anfang an die Kraft und die Befähigung gegeben, den eingekerkerten Bekennern unerschrocken beizustehen und ohne Rücksicht auf die Gefahren die Leichname der siegreichen und seligen Märtyrer zu bestatten. Denn der Statthalter steht bis jetzt nicht davon ab, die Vorgeführten, wie ich schon sagte, teils grausam hinzurichten, teils durch Foltern zu zerreißen oder in Kerkern und Ketten verschmachten zu lassen. Und er gibt seine Weisungen, daß niemand sie besuche, und forscht genau nach, ob nicht jemand sich bei ihnen zeige. Dennoch tröstet Gott die Heimgesuchten durch die Bereitwilligkeit und Ausdauer der Brüder.“
So schreibt Dionysius. Es ist noch zu bemerken, daß Eusebius, den Dionysius als Diakon bezeichnete, bald darauf Bischof von Laodicea in Syrien wurde. Maximus aber, von dem er damals als Presbyter sprach, sogleich nach Dionysius den Dienst an den Brüdern in Alexandrien übernahm, und Faustus, der sich mit ihm seinerzeit durch Bekennermut ausgezeichnet, noch bis in unsere Verfolgung herein lebte und in unseren Tagen sehr alt und hochbetagt durch Enthauptung den Märtyrertod starb.
Soviel über die Geschicke des Dionysius in jener Zeit. S. 336
Traduction
Masquer
The Church History of Eusebius
Chapter XI.--The Events which happened at this Time to Dionysius and those in Egypt.
1. But as regards the persecution which prevailed so fiercely in his reign, and the sufferings which Dionysius with others endured on account of piety toward the God of the universe, his own words shall show, which he wrote in answer to Germanus, 1 a contemporary bishop who was endeavoring to slander him. His statement is as follows:
2. "Truly I am in danger of falling into great folly and stupidity through being forced to relate the wonderful providence of God toward us. But since it is said 2 that it is good to keep close the secret of a king, but it is honorable to reveal the works of God,' 3 I will join issue with the violence of Germanus.
3. I went not alone to Æmilianus; 4 but my fellow-presbyter, Maximus, 5 and the deacons Faustus, 6 Eusebius, 7 and Chaeremon, 8 and a brother who was present from Rome, went with me.
4. But Æmilianus did not at first say to me: Hold no assemblies;' 9 for this was superfluous to him, and the last thing to one who was seeking to accomplish the first. For he was not concerned about our assembling, but that we ourselves should not be Christians. And he commanded me to give this up; supposing if I turned from it, the others also would follow me.
5. But I answered him, neither unsuitably nor in many words: We must obey God rather than men.' 10 And I testified openly that I worshiped the one only God, and no other; and that I would not turn from this nor would I ever cease to be a Christian. Thereupon he commanded us to go to a village near the desert, called Cephro. 11
6. But listen to the very words which were spoken on both sides, as they were recorded: "Dionysius, Faustus, Maximus, Marcellus, 12 and Chaeremon being arraigned, Æmilianus the prefect said:
7. I have reasoned verbally with you concerning the clemency which our rulers have shown to you; for they have given you the opportunity to save yourselves, if you will turn to that which is according to nature, and worship the gods that preserve their empire, and forget those that are contrary to nature. 13 What then do you say to this? For I do not think that you will be ungrateful for their kindness, since they would turn you to a better course.'
8. Dionysius replied: Not all people worship all gods; but each one those whom he approves. We therefore reverence and worship the one God, the Maker of all; who hath given the empire to the divinely favored and august Valerian and Gallienus; and we pray to him continually for their empire that it may remain unshaken.'
9. Æmilianus, the prefect, said to them: But who forbids you to worship him, if he is a god, together with those who are gods by nature. For ye have been commanded to reverence the gods, and the gods whom all know.' Dionysius answered:
10. We worship no other.' Æmilianus, the prefect, said to them: I see that you are at once ungrateful, and insensible to the kindness of our sovereigns. Wherefore ye shall not remain in this city. But ye shall be sent into the regions of Libya, to a place called Cephro. For I have chosen this place at the command of our sovereigns, and it shall by no means be permitted you or any others, either to hold assemblies, or to enter into the so called cemeteries. 14
11. But if any one shall be seen without the place which I have commanded, or be found in any assembly, he will bring peril on himself. For suitable punishment shall not fail. Go, therefore where ye have been ordered.'
"And he hastened me away, though I was sick, not granting even a day's respite. What opportunity then did I have, either to hold assemblies, or not to hold them?" 15
12. Farther on he says: "But through the help of the Lord we did not give up the open assembly. But I called together the more diligently those who were in the city, as if I were with them; being, so to speak, 16 absent in body but present in spirit.' 17 But in Cephro a large church gathered with us of the brethren that followed us from the city, and those that joined us from Egypt; and there God opened unto us a door for the Word.' 18
13. At first we were persecuted and stoned; but afterwards not a few of the heathen forsook the idols and turned to God. For until this time they had not heard the Word, since it was then first sown by us.
14. And as if God had brought us to them for this purpose, when we had performed this ministry he transferred us to another place. For
Æmilianus, as it appeared, desired to transport us to rougher and more Libyan-like places; 19 so he commanded them to assemble from all quarters in Mareotis, 20 and assigned to them different villages throughout the country. But he ordered us to be placed nearer the highway that we might be seized first. 21 For evidently he arranged and prepared matters so that whenever he wished to seize us he could take all of us without difficulty.
15. When I was first ordered to go to Cephro I did not know where the place was, and had scarcely ever heard the name; yet I went readily and cheerfully. But when I was told that I was to remove to the district of Colluthion, 22 those who were present know how I was affected.
16. For here I will accuse myself. At first I was grieved and greatly disturbed; for though these places were better known and more familiar to us, yet the country was said to be destitute of brethren and of men of character, and to be exposed to the annoyances of travelers and incursions of robbers.
17. But I was comforted when the brethren reminded me that it was nearer the city, and that while Cephro afforded us much intercourse with the brethren from Egypt, so that we were able to extend the Church more widely, as this place was nearer the city we should enjoy more frequently the sight of those who were truly beloved and most closely related and dearest to us. For they would come and remain, and special meetings 23 could be held, as in the more remote suburbs. And thus it turned out." After other matters he writes again as follows of the things which happened to him:
18. "Germanus indeed boasts of many confessions. He can speak forsooth of many adversities which he himself has endured. But is he able to reckon up as many as we can, of sentences, confiscations, proscriptions, plundering of goods, loss of dignities, contempt of worldly glory, disregard for the flatteries of governors and of councilors, and patient endurance of the threats of opponents, of outcries, of perils and persecutions, and wandering and distress, and all kinds of tribulation, such as came upon me under Decius and Sabinus, 24 and such as continue even now under Æmilianus? But where has Germanus been seen? And what account is there of him?
19. But I turn from this great folly into which I am falling on account of Germanus. And for the same reason I desist from giving to the brethren who know it an account of everything which took place."
20. The same writer also in the epistle to Domitius and Didymus 25 mentions some particulars of the persecution as follows: "As our people are many and unknown to you, it would be superfluous to give their names; but understand that men and women, young and old, maidens and matrons, soldiers and civilians, of every race and age, some by scourging and fire, others by the sword, have conquered in the strife and received their crowns.
21. But in the case of some a very long time was not sufficient to make them appear acceptable to the Lord; as, indeed, it seems also in my own case, that sufficient time has not yet elapsed. Wherefore he has retained me for the time which he knows to be fitting, saying, In an acceptable time have I heard thee, and in a day of salvation have I helped thee.' 26
22. For as you have inquired of our affairs and desire us to tell you how we are situated, you have heard fully that when we--that is, myself and Gaius and Faustus and Peter and Paul 27 --were led away as prisoners by a centurion and magistrates, with their soldiers and servants, certain persons from Mareotis came and dragged us away by force, as we were unwilling to follow them. 28
23. But now I and Gaius and Peter are alone, deprived of the other brethren, and shut up in a desert and dry place in Libya, three days' journey from Paraetonium." 29
24. He says farther on: "The presbyters, Maximus, 30 Dioscorus, 31 Demetrius, and Lucius 32 concealed themselves in the city, and visited the brethren secretly; for Faustinus and Aquila, 33 who are more prominent in the world, are wandering in Egypt. But the deacons, Faustus, Eusebius, and Chaeremon, 34 have survived those who died in the pestilence. Eusebius is one whom God has strengthened and endowed from the first to fulfill energetically the ministrations for the imprisoned confessors, and to attend to the dangerous task of preparing for burial the bodies of the perfected and blessed martyrs.
25. For as I have said before, unto the present time the governor continues to put to death in a cruel manner those who are brought to trial. And he destroys some with tortures, and wastes others away with imprisonment and bonds; and he suffers no one to go near them, and investigates whether any one does so. Nevertheless God gives relief to the afflicted through the zeal and persistence of the brethren."
26. Thus far Dionysius. But it should be known that Eusebius, whom he calls a deacon, shortly afterward became bishop of the church of Laodicea in Syria; 35 and Maximus, of whom he speaks as being then a presbyter, succeeded Dionysius himself as bishop of Alexandria. 36 But the Faustus who was with him, and who at that time was distinguished for his confession, was preserved until the persecution in our day, 37 when being very old and full of days, he closed his life by martyrdom, being beheaded. But such are the things which happened at that time 38 to Dionysius.
Æmilian speaks of them as the "so-called (kaloumena) cemeteries."
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On Germanus, and Dionysius' epistle to him, see above, Bk. VI. chap. 40, note 2. ↩
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Literally "it says" (phesi), a common formula in quoting from Scripture. ↩
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Tob. xii. 7. ↩
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This Æmilianus, prefect of Egypt, under whom the persecution was carried on in Alexandria during Valerian's reign, later, during the reign of Gallienus, was induced (or compelled) by the troops of Alexandria to revolt against Gallienus, and assume the purple himself. He was defeated, however, by Theodotus, Gallienus' general, and was put to death in prison, in what year we do not know. Cf. Tillemont's Hist. des Emp. III. p. 342 sq. ↩
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Maximus is mentioned a number of times in this chapter in connection with the persecution. After the death of Dionysius he succeeded him as bishop of Alexandria, and as such is referred to below, in chaps. 28, 30, and 32. For the dates of his episcopate, see chap. 28, note 10. ↩
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On Faustus, see above, Bk. VI. chap. 40, note 10. ↩
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In regard to this deacon Eusebius, who later became bishop of Laodicea, see chap. 32, note 12. ↩
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Chaeremon is mentioned three times in the present chapter, but we have no other reliable information in regard to him. ↩
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We may gather from §11, below, that Germanus had accused Dionysius of neglecting to hold the customary assemblies, and of seeking safety by flight. Valesius, in his note ad locum, remarks, "Dionysius was accused by Germanus of neglecting to hold the assemblies of the brethren before the beginning of the persecution, and of providing for his own safety by flight. For as often as persecution arose the bishops were accustomed first to convene the people, that they might exhort them to hold fast to their faith in Christ. Then they baptized infants and catechumens, that they might not depart this life without baptism, and they gave the eucharist to the faithful, because they did not know how long the persecution might last." Valesius refers for confirmation of his statements to an epistle sent to Pope Hormisdas, by Germanus and others, in regard to Dorotheus, bishop of Thessalonica (circa a.d. 519). I have not been able to verify the reference. The custom mentioned by Valesius is certainly a most natural one, and therefore Valesius' statements are very likely quite true, though there seems to be little direct testimony upon which to rest them. ↩
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Acts v. 29. ↩
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We learn from §10, below, that Cephro was in Libya. Beyond this nothing is known of the place so far as I am aware. ↩
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This Marcellus, the only one not mentioned in §3, above, is an otherwise unknown person. ↩
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ton para phusin. That the ton refers to "gods" (viz. the gods of the Christians, Æmilianus thinking of them as plural) seems clear, both on account of the theous just preceding, and also in view of the fact that in §9 we have the phrase ton kata phusin theon. A contrast, therefore, is drawn in the present case between the gods of the heathen and those of the Christians. ↩
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koimeteria; literally, "sleeping-places." The word was used only in this sense in classic Greek; but the Christians, looking upon death only as a sleep, early applied the name to their burial places; hence ↩
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See above, note 9. ↩
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hos eipein, a reading approved by Valesius in his notes, and adopted by Schwegler and Heinichen. This and the readings hos eipen, "as he said" (adopted by Stroth, Zimmermann, and Laemmer), and hos eipon, "as I said" (adopted by Stephanus, Valesius in his text, and Burton), are about equally supported by ms. authority, while some mss. read hos eipen ho apostolos, "as the apostle said." It is impossible to decide with any degree of assurance between the first three readings. ↩
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1 Cor. v. 3. ↩
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Col. iv. 3. ↩
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Libukoterous topous. Libya was an indefinite term among the ancients for that part of Africa which included the Great Desert and all the unexplored country lying west and south of it. Almost nothing was known about the country, and the desert and the regions beyond were peopled by the fancy with all sorts of terrible monsters, and were looked upon as the theater of the most dire forces, natural and supernatural. As a consequence, the term "Libyan" became a synonym for all that was most disagreeable and dreadful in nature. ↩
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Mareotis, or Mareia, or Maria, was one of the land districts into which Egypt was divided. A lake, a town situated on the shore of the lake, and the district in which they lay, all bore the same name. The district Mareotis lay just south of Alexandria, but did not include it, for Alexandria and Ptolemais formed an independent sphere of administration sharply separated from the thirty-six land districts of the country. Cf. Bk. II. chap. 17, notes 10 and 12, above. Mommsen (Roman Provinces, Scribner's ed. Vol. II. p. 255) remarks that these land districts, like the cities, became the basis of episcopal dioceses. This we should expect to be the case, but I am not aware that we can prove it to have been regularly so, at any rate not during the earlier centuries. Cf. e.g. Wiltsch's Geography and Statistics of the Church, London ed., I. p. 192 sq. ↩
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hemas de mallon en hodo kai protous katalephthesomenous ?taxen. ↩
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ta Kollouthionos (sc. mere), i.e. the parts or regions of Colluthion. Of Colluthion, so far as I am aware, nothing is known. It seems to have been a town, possibly a section of country in the district of Mareotis. Nicephorus spells the word with a single l, which Valesius contends is more correct because the word is derived from Colutho, which was not an uncommon name in Egypt (see Valesius' note ad locum). ↩
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kata meros sunagogai, literally, "partial meetings." It is plain enough from this that persons living in the suburbs were allowed to hold special services in their homes or elsewhere, and were not compelled always to attend the city church, which might be a number of miles distant. It seems to me doubtful whether this passage is sufficient to warrant Valesius' conclusion, that in the time of Dionysius there was but one church in Alexandria, where the brethren met for worship. It may have been so, but the words do not appear to indicate, as Valesius thinks they do, that matters were in a different state then from that which existed in the time of Athanasius, who, in his Apology to Constantius, §14 sq., expressly speaks of a number of church buildings in Alexandria. ↩
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Sabinus has been already mentioned in Bk. VI. chap. 40, §2, from which passage we may gather that he held the same position under Decius which Æmilianus held under Valerian (see note 3 on the chapter referred to). ↩
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We learn from chap. 20, below, that this epistle to Domitius and Didymus was one of Dionysius' regular festal epistles (for there is no ground for assuming that a different epistle is referred to in that chapter). Domitius and Didymus are otherwise unknown personages. Eusebius evidently (as we can see both from this chapter and from chapter 20) supposes this epistle to refer to the persecution, of which Dionysius has been speaking in that portion of his epistle to Germanus quoted in this chapter; namely, to the persecution of Valerian. But he is clearly mistaken in this supposition; for, as we can see from a comparison of §22, below, with Bk. VI. chap. 40, §6 sq., Dionysius is referring in this epistle to the same persecution to which he referred in that chapter; namely, to the persecution of Decius. But the present epistle was written (as we learn from §23) while this same persecution was still going on, and, therefore, some years before the time of Valerian's persecution, and before the writing of the epistle to Germanus (see Bk. VI. chap. 40, note 2), with which Eusebius here associates it. Cf. Valesius' note ad locum and Dittrich's Dionysius der Grosse, p. 40 sq. ↩
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Isa. xlix. 8. ↩
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See above, Bk. VI. chap. 40, note 10. ↩
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See ibid. §6 sq. ↩
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Paraetonium was an important town and harbor on the Mediterranean, about 150 miles west of Alexandria. A day's journey among the ancients commonly denoted about 180 to 200 stadia (22 to 25 miles), so that Dionysius retreat must have lain some 60 to 70 miles from Paraetonium, probably to the south of it. ↩
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On Maximus, see above, note 5. ↩
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Of Dioscorus we know only what is told us here. He is not to be identified with the lad mentioned in Bk. VI. chap. 41, §19 (see note 17 on that chapter). ↩
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Of Demetrius and Lucius we know only what is recorded here. ↩
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Faustinus and Aquila are known to us only from this passage. ↩
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On these three deacons, see above, notes 6-8. ↩
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See below, chap. 32, §5. ↩
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See chap. 28, note 8. ↩
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That is, until the persecution of Diocletian, a.d. 303 sq. ↩
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That is, according to Eusebius, in the time of Valerian, but only the events related in the first part of the chapter took place at that time; those recorded in the epistle to Domitius and Didymus in the time of Decius. See above, note 25. ↩